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CHRISTIAN INVESTIGATOR, 
Number 8. 

Whik^oro, N. "Y., Sepiemb^r 1843. 




THE RIGHTS 



AND THE WRONGS 



RHODE ISLAND. 



BY WILLIAM GOODELL. ^ 





INSTITUTE PRESS. 
COPY RIGHT SECURED. 



(H^HT' Four sheets periodical. — Postage, under TlOO miles 6 cents, 
over 100 miles, 10 cents. 



V 6 ^ 

A- 



i^^i 



Rights and Wrongs of Kliode Island, 



" The question now is, What can ive do, and what ought we to 
do, in order to obstruct and check the growth and spread of 
.... ARBITRARY POWER atnong eur churches, and 
ASPIRING ECCLESIASTICS?" 

Emmons, Vol. I, p. 36, 
In answer to the above question of the late Dr, Emmons, we would suggest 
that the very first thing to be done, is to convince the people that their liberties 
are in danger from that quarter. And the story of the actual subversion of 
liberty and law, and the establishment of " arbitrary power" in Rhode Island, 
through the influence and by the aid of " aspiring ecclesiastics," seems weU 
suited to that object. 



LIBERTY AND LAW, RELIGION AND RIGHTS, IN RHODE 
ISLAND. 

Great events are transpiring. They must be studied and un- 
derstood. The Rliode Island controversy is no mere local con- 
cernment. It touches vitally, and harshly, the great interests ot 
liberty and lavi', of religion and rights, not only in Rhode Island, 
but in the whole country. By neglecting or mistaking the facts 
and principles involved, the American people may vuiconsciously 
rivet their own fetters, and the American churches and ministry, 
instead of interposing a barrier against oppression and disorgani- 
zation, may only swell and hasten the rising tide of destruction. 

This, the story of Rhode Island will make manifest. Civil 
and political liberty have been violently subverted in that State, 
and a military despotism enthroned on the ruins (though in the 
abused name) of constitutional " laiv and order." The People 
— the only lawful sovereign, under God, of a free civil govern- 
ment, have been overawed, and deposed, by aristocratic usurpa- 
tion. The manv, with the right on their side, have been crushed 
by the compnrativnlv few, on wliosc side there was wcnl!l),and 



4 . THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Station, and influence, and arms, and Presidential favor, and cleri- 
cal sanction. A State government, regularly and peacefully con- 
stituted ;ind organized, has been overturned by insurrection, with 
the aid and countenance of the Federal Executive, whose object, 
as his own official Gazette assures us, was the support of South- 
ern slavery. The successful accomplishment of all this, is cele- 
brated by public thanksgivings in the city churches ; anthems are 
chanted, and discourses jeplete with the dogmas of despotism 
are delivered and published, by prominent ministers of the chief 
religious sects ; and public journalists, political and religious, to 
a fearful extent lend their sanction. 

MISREPRESENTATIONS. 

Those who know human nature, and study human history, un- 
derstand, that in .an age like the present, such icsiiits could not 
have been reached, without the aid of misrepresentations, false 
colorings, wrong statements, unjust charges. As in all similar 
cases, the crushed friends of freedom' are vilified, traduced, cari- 
catured, wronged. Thus prejudices are engendered, and the 
public ear, to some extent, is closed against all appeals in their 
ifivor. Thus it has been with the friends of the enslaved, and 
thus ii is with the, disfranchised of Rhode Island. 

In the present case, we count it needful to notice briefly, some 
of the misapprehensions afloat, before we attempt 4,o discuss, in 
order, the main points involved in the controversy. To be heard 
with prejudiced ears, is sometimes worse than not to be heard at 
all. 

TREATMENT OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 

The friends of human rights abroad, are told that they ought 
not to sympathize with the suffrage men in Rhode Island, nor 
plead their cause, because, in their efforts to obtain their rights, 
they di-d not include the people of color. — Whatever the facts of 
the case may be, the principle of the objection is false, and to 
practice upon it wovild be fatal. On such a principle, no message 
of mercy could ever have reached our lapsed race. It is the 
same plea made by those who would blunt our sympathies for 
the Africans, because they enslave each other at home. On this 
principle, we should have withheld our sympathies and aid from 
Cinque, and such of his comrades on board the Amistad as had 
been engaged in the slavetrade. If abolitionists may stand aloof 
from the oppressed VDhite men of Rhode Island, because they, 
and their friends in other States, stand aloof from the oppressed 
colored men of the country, then may the oppressed whites of R. 
island, and their friends, on the same principle, stand aloof from 
therflbrtsof abol lionists, on the gf^eund that they do not care, 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 



equally, for the rights of the poor and wronged whites. Such a 
prejudice against, abohtionists lias extensively existed, from the 
beginning, because, it has been said, there are aristocrats in their 
ranks. How much occasion there has been for this objection, re- 
mains, perhaps, to be ascertained. If abolitionists can see white 
liberty crushed in Rhode Island^ without alarm and sympathy, 
the objection will acquire vast force. A " liberty party" for th& 
benefit of colored men only, would become, as ridiculous as a. 
" democratic party" for the exclusive benefit of the ivhites. If w& 
would be men of principle, and have the credit of being such, wo 
must apply our principles impartially, and every where. As we 
do not cease to demand the political rights of the free people of 
color, though the majority of them do not join with us in pleading 
for the enslaved, so, likewise, we must not omit to demand iho 
political rights of the disfranchised whites on account of their in- 
justice to the people of color. The cause of liberty is one, and 
if its friends can not seek its unity, they might as well surrender, 
first as last, especially, since it has become manifest that the North- 
ern and Southern aristocracy, hitherto rivals, have confederated 
for their overthrow. Abolitionists have long predicted that the 
Slave Power would crush Northern freedom, and they have hop- 
ed that the first instance that should occurj would rouse the free 
North. Shall they now acquiesce, or be silent, or neutral, while 
their predictions are fulfilling ? 

But the facts of the case have been misrepresented. Until 
within a few days, we hare not, ourselves, got hold of the whole 
truth. It is not true tha.' the suffrage men of R. Island (howev- 
er deficient) have wholly forgotten or neglected the claims of the 
colored man. Still less is it true, that, in this respect, they have 
been behind their opponents. The chief leaders of tiie free suf- 
frage movement were, from the first, in favor of making no distinc- 
tion of color, and they have not yielded their object. This fact 
was seized upon bv their opponents, and no pains spared to preju- 
dice the public against them, on that ground. As two-thirds of the 
people of the State were disfranchised, there can be no question 
that such a weapon was found available, since prejudice against 
color exists every where. In the Convention by whom their Con- 
stitution was formed, it was deemed advisable, by the majority, 
to insert the word " ivhite''^ among the qualifications of voters, but 
at the same time, they provided, in another clause, that the pro- 
position to st7'ike ovt that word " white" should be submitted to 
the people, at the first annual election after the first session of the 
Legislature under the Constitution, and there is no doubt it would 
have been stricken out, if their government had not been forci- 
bly overlurned. Their opp(i])i''nts, the landholders, in framing 



O THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

their rival Constitution, (which was defeated, on the question of 
Its adoption, by the votes of the suffrage party,) inserted, hke- 
wise, the same word " white;' but they did not provide any 
means by which the people could strike it out. On the contrary, 
their proposed Constitution, as will be shown, would have been,' 
:n all its provisions, out of the reach of amendment by the ma- 
jority of the people. So that the colored people would have now 
been without even the prospect of relief, if the suffrage parly 
had accepted the landholders' Constitution, which they are so 
much blamed for not having done. Yet they did wrong, in not 
shaping their own otherwise excellent Constitution, as it should 
have been, in their own Convention. Up to May last, as we know, 
the suffrage party were hooted at, fur wishing to admit " the loiu 
Irish and the niggers'' to the polls. This we heard on the spot. 
But the tunc has turned, now. When the contest came lately, to 
the sword, the city aristocracy were willing to have the help of 
the colored people, the most of whom were their dependents, 
their laborers, their coachmen and their domestics. They en- 
rolled them then as firemen, and admitted some of them into the 
mihtary. And in the now pending experiment of giving the peo- 
ple a Constitution, under the terrors of the " Algerine law," and 
while citizens are flying from the State to escape imprisonment 
merely for having voted under the new Suffrage Constitution, and 
for having defended it in argument,— and while the call for the 
appointment of delegates to the coming Convention is so appor- 
tioned as to throw the power into the hands of the aristocratic 
minority, — the admission of the dependent colored people to vote, 
as well as to fight, and the boast of their support, answers their 
selfish purposes, and is impudently trumpeted to their praise. 
That such facts should occur, only proves what every body 
should have known before, viz : that servility is not confined to 
color, and that any aristocracy under heaveri will as soon wield 
the power of the colored people to suppress the liberty of the 
whites, as the power of the whites to hold the colored people in 
bondage, whenever it suits their convenience. 

VIOLENCE — LAWLESSNESS — BAD CHARACTER. 

" But then the suffrage party were so headlong and reckless — 
so violent and mobocraiic— so blood-thirsty and ferocious ! '— 
" They were such low and base characters— such plunderers and 
infidels" ! 

By whose testimony do vou learn this ? Suppose you hear 
both sides, and suspend judgment till you know the facts of the 
case ? There are reckless and bad men in all sects and parties. 
1 here were infidels in the councils and armies of the Americaa 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 7 

Revolution. And did this decide the merits of the controversy 
with Britain, or make it proper to desert the cause of freedom ? 
What if there has been lawlessness and disorganization 1 These 
are the natural results of despotism — the almost unfailing signs 
of its existence. How shall they be cured without removing 
their causes ? 

Our story will show that the suffrage party have been remark- 
able for their forbearance — that they peacefully and lawfully 
adopted a Constitution and organized a State government, after 
all prospect of obtaining their rights through the Charter autho- 
rities had failed — that in this they had the sanction of American 
Constitutional law — that they look up arms only in defense of 
the lawful and Constitutional government from insurrection — that 
the charges against them, of incendiary designs and of purposes 
of plunder, are infamously truthless — that they have done nothing 
mobocratic, unless the military defense of civil government 
(which, by the bye, we disapprove) be always to be accounted of 
that character. Their military movements we regret, as being, 
in our view, bad policy, as well as wrong in principle. But they 
only took up arms to support the Rights and to support Consti- 
tutional " law and order," after their opponents took \ip arms 
against both. Their opponents had taught from the pulpit the 
duty of maintaining civil government by arms, and they did no- 
thing worse than to practise that doctrine. 

As to the characters of the suffrage men, we speak deliber- 
ately and on hitelligent advisement, when we challenge a com- 
parison between them and their opponents. Take the leaders of 
the two parties, or take them in the masses. Search for infidels, 
or licentious, or profane, or dishonest, or Sabbath-breaking, or 
immoral men — or, on the other hand, select temperance men, 
abolitionists, men of acknowledged piety in the churches, to be 
found in the two parties, and in either case the suffrage cause 
need not shrink from the scrutiny. 

But suppose it were otherwise ? How would that affect the 
merits of the case ? It is a question of inalienable human rights. 
Is infidelity to be cured by Christian oppression ? Will you in- 
vade men's rights to teach them honesty and good morals ? 
Must Honesty and Humanity blush to be found redressing hu- 
man wrongs, because the victims are dishonest and vicious ? So 
thought the Pharisees, but so thought not the Savior. The 
slaves, it is said, are so thievish and vicious, that the good 
should not seek their freedom. It would be strange if there 
were no bad men among the majority of the people of Rhode 
Islari. But shall liberty therefore be crushed ? Shall despot- 
ism rule the earth, so long as it can plead the vices of the peo- 



8 THE IlIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

])le ? Is iiol despotism itself one of the giant vices, the ])arcnt of 
vices, that needs to be rennoved, before the world can be re- 
formed ? 

Those who have been most forward 'to blacken the characters 
of the suffrage men, 1o heap upon them the most opprobrious epi- 
thets, and represent them as a low rabble, have nevertheless made 
*ome very remarkable admissions. Dr. Tucker, in his discourse, 

p. 16, says: — "The evil has infected the churches" "Sad 

divisions have taken place — friend has been arrayed against 
friend, brother against brother — lines of alienation have run 
through families and firms of business." — And Dr. Wayland says 
their movements " have been fostered and abetted, in some cases, 
by the civil magistrates, and yet more, in some instances, by 
men wIk) have been nurtured among us, who have sat at our ta- 
bles, and been warmed by our fire-sides." — (Disc. p. 8.) And 
again, — " I have been informed that a considerable number of 
professing Christians, in this city, liave been deluded into a par- 
ticipation in these transactions." — (p. 30.) And yet again : — 
'' This has been done, [i.e. leading citizens have been ' denounced 
<is tyrants and oppressors,'] or at least it has been countenanced 
^nd abetted by men who call themselves the disciples of the 
Lord Jesus, who partake of the elements of that body which was 
Lroken, and that blood which was shed for our sins, and w^ho pro- 
fess to be cultivating in their hearts the temper of a holy 
Heaven."— (p. 25.) 

Is it not proper that the controversy between such men and 
their accusers should be patiently examined ? So we should 
think. And we will therefore proceed to lake up the discussion 
in due order. 

ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE '' CHARTER.'* 

As the aristocratic insurgents in Rhode Island, a known mi- 
nority of the people, claim the lawful authority to govern the 
■j8tate, under the old Charter of Charles II. of England, and since 
to the present time, they have uniformly refused to lend their 
-sanction to the formation of such a Republican Constitution, by 
llie people, as should define their rights, and place the govern- 
anent in the hands of the majority, and since they deny the vali- 
<lity and legality ot the Constitution recently formed by the Peo- 
ple, because they themselves had not given, and unll not give it 
their sanction, and are determined to hold on to their power un- 
der "the Charier," at the expense of a civil war, and by means of 
martial law, it becomes necessary to examine the history a id na- 
ture of this magic instrument, and find out, if we can, the secret, 
of its claims over Popular Sovereignty, and inalienable human 
rijrhts. 



or EHODE ISLAND. 9 

The settlement of Rb.ode Island was commenced by Roger 
Williams and others, in 1636. Sii- Henry Vane, by authority of 
Parliament, granted its first Charter in 1643-4. The union of 
Providence Plantations, Warwick and Rhode Island proper, un- 
der this Charter, was in a few years broken, but in 1654, com- 
missioners from all the towns agreed on a re-union, and the gov- 
ernment, under the Charter, w^as re-organized. Democratic usa- 
ges prevailed here, as in the other N. England Provinces, and re- 
ligious liberty was especially and signally asserted and guarded. 
On the restoration of Charles II., in 1660, the inhabitants took 
measures to secure their privileges by a new Charter, with the 
Royal assent. This was effected, the same year, and the docu- 
ment runs in the usual kingly style, '■'' of our especial grace, cer- 
tain Jmoivledge, and mere motion.'''' Here we have the " repub- 
lican form of government" of Rhode Island, containing on its face 
a flat denial of the right of popular sovereignty, and granting, as a 
royal concession, and as a privilege, what every republican claims 
as his inalienable right. — In its immediate provisions, Jiowever, 
the Charter was all, or nearly all, the inhabitants of the Province 
had adventured to ask of their monarch. It granted freedom of 
conscience " in religious concernments." It was the creation, in 
customary form, of « political corporation, with general powers 
of self-government. It empoioers the Assembly to admit persons 
free, of the company, and prescribes no terms or qucdifications 
tvhatever. Before- this Charter, and under that of 1643, the rule 
of admission was " being found meet for the service of the body 
politic." 

ACTION OF THE ASSEMBLY, UNDER THE CHARTER. 

It is to the Charter Assembly, rather than to the instrument it- 
self, that the chief practical mischiefs under it are to be charged. 
In 1666, an Act of Assembly was passed, delegating to the towns 
the power to admit " freemen," — (for so the voters alone are 
termed, in Rhode Island.) It was not until 1724, that an Act 
was passed, requiring electors to have a freehold estate of £100, 
or 40 shillings rent, and declaring the oldest son of such a free- 
holder to be a freeman, without qualification. After various 
changes, the amount, in real estate, was reduced to £iO, or Si 34 
of the federal currency, which continues to the present day. Yet 
neither does this, nor any other qualification, (except being the 
oldest son of a freeholder,) entitle any man, in Rhode Island, to 
the rights of a "freeman," unless the "freemen" of the town 
where he resides choose to propound and vote him in, as a fellow- 
freemen, which they are not legally bound to do. — The represent- 
ation of the several towns in the General Assembly, having bceii 



10 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

apportioned by the Charter, and no provision being made for a 
new apportionment, in lapse of time, became very unequal : and 
the Assembly, since the American Revolution, having been abso- 
lute, has done nothing to remedy the evil. And a minority, only,' 
of the adult male population are " freemen." 

PRESENT VALIDITY OF THE CHARTER. 

By the Revolution, the authority of the British crown was 
thrown off, and the Royal Charter of Charles II. expired, atid be- 
came a dead letter, of course. A variety of considerations prove 
this, and prove, likewise, that the present action of the Assembly 
under it, is an unlawful and unconstitutional usurpation. 1. The 
assertion of State Independency, by the National Declaration of 
Independence, annulled the Charter, m form. — 2. By establish- 
ing Popular Sovereignty, it denied the jji'inciple upon which the 
Charter was based ; and by which the General Assembly, either 
with or without the Charter, (representing, as it does, only a mi- 
nority of the citizens,) continues to wield the povi^er of the State. 
3. The R. I. Assembly, itself, gave its own ratification of all this, 
on the 12th of July 1776, by adopting, as their own, the Declara- 
tion of Independence, made, a few days before, by the Continental 
Congress. — 4. The Constitution of the- United States, to whiclr 
Rhode Island has assented,* " guaranties to every State in the 
Union a republican form of government," but neither the Royal 
Charter, nor the General Assembly representing a minority, 
(whether acting with or without authority from the Charter,) ex- 
hibit any thing deserving the name of a republican form of gov- 
ernment. This is apparent from what has already been stated, 
and other proofs will appear, as we proceed. — 5. The People — 
not the General Assembly, nor the land-holders, were the con- 
querors and successors of the British crown. — 6. The people, as 
we shall soon show, have formed a new Constitution, and regu- 
larly organized a State government under it. 

PROGRESS OF THE USURPATION ITS DESPOTISM. 

- So far from relinquishing their power under a Charter which 
they had themselves solemnly declared to be no longer of any 
binding authority, the Assembly of Rhode Island, from that day 
to the present, have exercised uncontrolled and unlimited power. 
Except in the matter of freedom in religious concernments, (the 
practical value of which, in their keeping, wo shall see in its 
place,) the Charter itself had put but one restriction upon the 

* The Charter Government refused to send delegates to the Convention that 
framed the United States Constitution, and did not come into the Union till 
May 1790. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 11 

power of the General Assembly, and that was, that " the Acts of 
the Assembly shall not be repugnant to the laws of this our realm 
of EngIa?icF ! So that unless the Assembly transcend those op- 
pressions of the British Government that caused the Revolution — 
the Charter imposes upon it no restrictions or restraints ! Yet, 
as a matter of fact, the Assembly has transcended even these 
bounds. For while the Parliament of Britain taxed the colonies, 
without allowing their representation in the National legislature, 
leaving the colonists free to choose delegates to their own Pro- 
vincial Assemblies, and to manage their county and town matters 
as they pleased, the Assembly of Rhode Island taxes its subjects, 
without allowing the great majority of them any vote, any where, 
either in town, city, county, State or National matters I The 
Charter too, empowers the Executive, during the recess of the 
Legislature, to establish and enforce " all methods, orders, rules 
and directions" that it may deem proper ! So that, as one writer 
has remarked, " there is, under the Charter, a despotic Assembly 
in perpefi(a?n, and a despotic Executive, ad interim, against whom 
the people" have no manner of protection. Those acquainted in 
R, Island, for 30 years past, know very well, that this absolute 
omnipotence and irresponsibility of the General Assembly have 
been the proverbial and taunting boast of those by whom its 
power had been wielded, and wlio have, insolently and insultingly, 
set the people at defiance. 

CHOICE OF RULERS. SECURITY OF RIGHTS. 

Will it be said that the people have had their remedy, in the 
choice of their rulers ? To what jyortion of the peo]Dle may this 
be said ? And to tohom ? Can it be said to the poor, who most 
need the protection of the government ? None but holders of 
real estate, and their eldest sons, are even eligible for election to 
the station of " freemen," op voters. And what is their compara- 
tive number ? The number of adult white males, in 1 840, was 
computed at 25,600, and the whole number of votes polled at 
the Presidential election, that year, was 8662, being the largest 
number ever polled in the State. So that less than one-third 
governed the other tioo-thirds. Estimates, at other times, have 
been made, that three-fifths, and sometimes threefourths, of the 
entire adult male population iiave been disfranchised. [A suffi- 
cient refutation, by the bye, of the pretense that the people have 
all along, or until lately, been generally satisfied wiili the existing 
order of things !] 

But the storv oi minoritij usurpation does not end here. The 
inequalities of representation have been hinted at. See a few 
exemplifications of this incqualil}'. '" (hic frce-lioklnr in Bar- 



12 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

lington," it is said, "has as much weight in the government as 
twenty-one free-holders in Providence, nine in Cumberland, or 
eighteen in Smilhfield." Again, ^'' one free-holder in Newport is 
equal to four in the former, or tliree in the latter place." Once 
more. In 1840, "seye^i^y-^too representatives were chosen. Of 
these, thirty -eight, more than a majority, were chosen from 
towns possessing a population of 29,036 inhabitants, and which 
cast 2,846 electoral votes. The remaining thirty-four represent- 
atives were chosen from towns possessing a population of 79,801 
inhabitants, and which cast 5,776 electoral votes." ' So that, 
while 8,662, or about one-third of the adult male population, had 
the right of suftrage, and nominally governed the State, yet 
2,846, or less than one-eighth, chose the majority of the popular 
branch of the Assembly, and really held the balance of power.' 

Thus much for the security of human rights in R. Island, aris- 
ing from popular election. The next plea we hear is, that the 
minority have governed with so much justice, that the people can 
trust them with their rights, and therefore -the Sovereignty of the 
People is not worth contending for. This plea comes from the 
pen of President Wayland. Let us examine it. 

Security for their rights, and especially security from the en- 
croachments of the government, is among the inalienable rights 
of the people — the guaranty of all'ihe rest of their rights. How 
can it be said, then, that the minority govern w\i\\ justice, when 
ihcy govern without the consent of the governed 1 How can in- 
dividual rights be said to be safe, in the keeping of those who not 
only refuse to secure ihem, but absolutely take them axvay 1 The 
security and the rights of the disfranchised of Rhode Island rest 
upon the same basis as the security and the rights of the disfran- 
chised of the South. Happy people ! They are yrctected, for- 
sooth, by their kind masters, who rob them ! 

The Charter Government permits ^ suffrage, as a privilege, to 
be extended or contracted at its pleasure. It resolutely refuses 
to recognize the right. This the present contest discloses. It 
can give, and it can take away. It, and not the People, is Sove- 
reign. It follows that there has been no permanency — nothing 
upon which the voter himself can rely — in respect to the exercise 
of the franchise. The power that made him a " freeman," can 
unmake him. The "Assembly" that fixed the qualificaiion to 
$134 value of real estate, and changed it half a dozen limes, can 
fix it at $134,000, if it pleases, and there is no remedy. It might 
e-xte7id the franchise in the manner it has sometimes promised (but 
neglected) to do, and then take it away again, at ils pleasure. Not 
only the Assembly, but the town meeting of exclusives, claims, 
by delegation, the same right to exclude whomsoever it pleases, 
.and whatsoever qualifications they may possess. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 13 

The '* governecF have no power to demand any redress or 
amendment. This was a necessary feature of the " Royal Char- 
ter," and those who wrongfully pretend to have inherited its 
kingly powers, very distinctly assert, now, at the point of the 
bayonet, and in the abused name of " law and order," the same 
disorganizing and lawless claim. 

"Under the Charter," says an able writer,* "the people can 
have no rights secured to them independent of the Government — 
even the Act "declaratory of certain rights of the people of this 
State' is but a Legislative Act, and may be repealed whenever 
the Legislature think proper." The people hold oil their rights, 
just as the southern slave holds certain articles of property, dur- 
ing the good pleasure of his master. 

OTHER RIGHTS INVADED ADDITIONAL BADGES OF SERVITUDE, 

It has been accounted the peculiar hardship of the American 
slave, that he can not sue, in a court of law, a? could the slaves of 
the ancient Greeks and Romans. But two-thirds, at least, of the 
adult white males of R. Island may, in this particular, be ranked 
with the southern slaves, and below the slaves of the Athenians. 

In R. Island — " No person whatever, since the Revolution, 
has been permitted to bring a suit at any court of law in the 
State, except he be a free-holder, or except he procure a free- 
holder to endorse his original writ, or cause of action." This, 
too, in the face of the " Act declariyig certain rights, c^c," (above 
named,) which says : — ^^ Every person within this Slate oitght to 
find a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, for all in- 
juries or wrongs which he may receive in his person, property or 
character." " And yet," says the same writer, " by another Act 
it is provided that 'no person who is not a free-holder shall have, 
out of the Clerk's office, any writ, &c. or unless some sufficient 
free-holder shall endorse his Christian and surname on the back 
of the same' — thereby denying that any of the people of this Stale 
are ' persons' entitled to redress, but free-holders, or owners of 
real estate." 

The right of trial by Jury has been thought one of the great 
safeguards of freedom. " But this right," it is affirmed on good 
authority,! " is enjoyed by less than two-fifths of the citizens of 
Rhode Island." None but "freemen" are empanneled and can sit 
as jurors. This fact, by the bye, puts additional terrors into the 
hands of the Charter government, by whom the Constitutional 
Governor Dorr and his adlierents are charsed with the crime of 



* B. Cowell, Esq. of Providence. 

t " A Member of ihe Boston Bar." in Review of " Wayland's Discourio," 



14 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

liigh treason. They can not be tried by their peers. They must 
be tried by those who can not be considered innpartial jurors. 
And besides, all the Courts of Justice are so created and con- 
structed as to be but "Star Chamber" Courts, "a shield to the 
governvient, rather than to the ■people.''^ 

Another law of Rhode Island, authorizes the Town Council, 
when any person comes within their limits, whom they dislike> 
or whom, for any cause they desire to get rid of, or whom, in the 
words of the law, 'they shall determine to be an unsuitable person 
10 become an inhabitant' of their town, to give notice to that per- 
son, (he not being a freeman,) to depart out of the town within a 
certain period, on penalty, if he fail to go, of being hound for one 
year into servitude, to any citizen op the united states !* 

Very plainly, by this Statute, any new resident, not a free- 
liolder, might be " bound out into slavery at the South ! What a 
])ara!lel have we here to those infamous laws by which free col- 
ored citizens are sold into slavery ! Another section of the same 
Act " renders it imperative on all who entertain strangers, to re- 
port them within seven days, to the President of the Town 
Council."* 

religious liberty outraged. 
Under shelter of the enactments just mentioned, Official Town 
Dignitaries and others have, ever and anon, annoyed and insulted 
with the threat of banishment, itinerant and transient Mission- 
aries, Agents, and others, who have sojourned temporarily in the 
8tate. In so doing, they have treated with utter contempt that 
clause of the U. S. Constitution that guaranties to the citizens of 
each State the right of free and peaceful sojourn in every other 
JState, Here, again, we trace the close resemblance between the 
lawless despotism of the slave States, and that of the Charter 
Government of Rhode Island. That Anti-Slavery lecturers 
should have had the terrors of this law held over them, need ex- 
cite no surprise. But it is not, perhaps, so commonly known that 
others have fallen under the same ban, A single specimen may 
suffice. Rev. William Fuller, a respectable minister of the gos- 
pel, [as "regularly educated and ordained" as the most fastidious 
could desire,] was preaching, about ten or twelve years ago, at 
Washington Village, in Rhode Island,. in a house erected by the 
(contributions- of Christians, many of whom were disfranchised. 
His services were highly appreciated by a portion of the inhabit- 
tants. But his faithful testimony against rum-selling, made him 
obnoxious to a number of "the free-holders," by whom he was 



A M( mber of the Boston B:ir," in Review of " W;i\land's Discourse. 



OF IIHODF. ISLAND. IT) 

formally nDiified ibat he should be banished from ihc lowii, nnlcss 
he altered his style of preaching. He pursued the even tenor of 
his way, until the threat was literally fultillcd. Either by order of 
the town authorities, or else by vote of the "freemen"' in open 
•t6wn meeting, (we are not positive which,) he was aulhorititaveJy 
«nd officially ordered to leave the town, with which order he 
peaceably complied, and left the town and the Stale, lie had 
previously been an ordained minister in another town in Rhode 
Island — was afterwards settled at or near River Head, on Long 
Island, and has since supplied, for some time, the pulpit of the 
First Presbyterian Church in Ulica. We are thus minute, to 
show that R. Island legislation, under the Charter, is not a dead 
letter, and that the persons recently described as low vagabonds 
arid rebels, are not its only victims. 

The banishment of a minister of the gospel, under authority of 
the Charter Government, for no crime but preaching against the 
sins of the " free-holders," is a precious comment upon the boast- 
ed guaranty of " freedom in matters of religious concernment," in 
the land of Roger Williams, showing how little any such guar- 
anty is worth, under a government irresponsible to the people, and 
undefined by a Constitution. 

Another specimen of the tone and style of Town Meetings of 
the "//-ecynen," may be found in the resolution adopted and en- 
forced, in Providence, a few years since, excluding all persons 
except themselves from the Town House, during Town 
Meetings'. 

rOPULAll 3I0VEMEKTS AGAI?;sT DESrOTISM. 

Not long after tlie State of Rhode Island assented to the Federal 
Constitution, in May 1790, there began to be movements in favor of 
a State Constitution, an extension of the suffrage, and an equalized 
representation. The petifions for this object became so impor- 
tunate and so numerous, that, about the year 1797 or 8, the Charter 
Assembly felt constrained to call a Convention, not of the People, 
however, but of the privileged free-holders. This Convention framed 
a Constitution, (if our information be correct,) which was submitted 
to the free holders, and rejected hy ihem.. These particulars we have 
from a clergyman, who was a member of the College in Providence 
at the time. In 1811, the effort was renewed, but with similar want 
of success. 

From 1819 to 1822 inclusive, a period of four years, the State was 
agitated with the same discussion, but with no visible effect on the 
Charter Government. 

In 1824 the Assembly called a Convention of the "freemen,'' to 
form a Constitution. This Convention recommended an equalized 
representation atnon^ the '• freemen," but a motion to extend the saf- 
frage received but three votes. The proposed Constitution was re- 
jected. 



16 TH1-; raGiiTs and the wnoxGa 

In 1829, ufter an nnimaled and elaborate newspaper discussion of 
two vearsr', petitions were presented to the Assembly lor an extension 
of (lie .suffrage. They were referred to a Committee, who reported 
an insulting reply to the petitioners, *• describing them as a degraded 
portion of tlie communit}-, and reminding them that if they were dis- 
^^atistied with the instilntions of the State, they were at liberty to 
leave it ! The Report was received, and printed, and considered, 
with much exnitation, as the most effective rebuke ever adminis- 
tered to the advocates of liberal suffrage in R. Island."* 

This was the courtesy extended by the Charter Assembly to two- 
thirds of the adult male population of Rhode Island, including proba- 
bly seven-eighths of all of them who are and have been the efficient 
and consistent friends of temperance, moral reformation, human lib- 
erty and social improvement in that State. These characteristics 
have only made the extension of tiie suffrage the more difficult there, 
because such qualifications are the last that the conservators of aris- 
tocratic misrule in Rhode Island would wish to see coming to the 
polls. There is no " Liberty Party" in Rhode Island, because the ma. 
terials for such a party are disfranchised. We have in our mind's 
eye a very prominent individual, now deceased, who for many years 
notoriously controlled the oligarchy of the State, whose known hos- 
tility to common and Sunday schools was generally attributed to his 
fear of the effect of popular intelligence upon his political influence, 
at a time when no small number even of the " free-holders" and their 
*' oldest sons" could neither read nor write. It is undeniable that the 
progress of learning, among the people, has been accompanied with a 
rising demand for a free government. If, (as Pres. Wayland claims,) 
some of the conservators of the Charter have befriended common 
schools, it only proves them less discerning than the politician just 
described. 

The tone of the Legislative Report of 1829 has been but too faith, 
fully echoed by the presses of R. Island, with few exceptions, from 
that time to the present. The majority', including the most moral 
and patriotic portion of the people, have been charged with the foulest 
crimes, and blackened by every epithet of abuse. The cry of treason 
ngainst the abolitionists, in 1834-5-6, in that State, was only an in- 
cidental form of the same policy. And the same Mr. Hazard, who 
drew up the insulting Report just adverted to, was likewise the ad- 
vocate of penal enactments against anti-slavery discussions, the 
draftsman of a Bill for that object, which, as Chairman of a Commit- 
tee on that subject, he introduced into the General Assembly of R. 
Island : a measure first proposed and recommended by a regular town 
meeting of the " freemen" of Newport. Thus identified, at every 
step, are the enemies of northern and of southern freedom. 

In 1832 another effort in favor of an extended suffrage met the fate 
of its predecessors. 

* Vide Gov. Dorrs Message. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. ' 17 

In 18;il the cdbrt was renewed, in the shape of a rcgulnrly organ- 
ized political party. But what could a political party do without 
voters ? The very object of the party was to obtain the iVanchise ! 
A few only of the "freemen" coidd be induced to join in the move- 
ment, though, as in the former struggles, great pains were taken to 
difluse light, and show the benefits of a free government in contrast 
with the abuses existing in R. Island. At first, the Assembly showed 
some symptoms of alarm, and, as on former occasions, assurances- 
were given by influential politicians, that something eflicient should 
be done. The Assembly went so far in 1834 as to call a Conven- 
tion — not of the People — but of the "freemen^' — the landocracy. 
In this Convention, a proposition to extend the suffrage received only 
seven votes, and the members dropping off, one after another, the Con- 
vention dispersed, for want of a quorum ! Yet the fVee suffrage par- 
ty struggled on, four years, when it became extinct, without having 
made any perceptible degree of change in the minds of the " free- 
men," who seemed determined never to yield their monopoly of 
power. This brings down the history until 1838. An entire gene- 
ration had thus melted away in the fruitless endeavor to recover their 
inalienable, God-given rights. Among them were many soldiers of 
the Revolution, who died without obtaining the liberties for which 
they fought, or learning the practical value of the far-famed " Decla- 
ration" which, on every returning fourth of .Tuly, was subjected to 
the mockery of a pompous reading, amid the roar of cannon, and the 
senseless huzzas of the unreflecting. 

THE EIGHTH GENERAL STRUGGLE. 

Seven distinct struggles for liberty in Rhode Island, within less 
than fifty years past, we have already recorded. The people per- 
haps began to think themselves entitled to a Jubilee. But they did 
not expect it, without another struggle. It came. It was severe, 
but it was successful. 

In the latter part of 1840, an Association of mcclianics, chiefly 
non-free-holders, was organized in Providence, and similar x\ssocia- 
tions were soon formed throughout the State. Once more, in Jan- 
uary 1841, petitions were sent to the Old Charter Assembly. " Tiiei/ 
7ve7'c insultingly ■passed by, wltlioul any notice or action.''' Congres.s 
had set the precedent of excluding petitions for the laborers of tiio 
South. The Rhode Island Assembly knew no difTerencc between th» 
laborers of the South and of the No'rth. They seem to have profited 
by the hints of McDufiie and Calhoun, of Pickens and Leigh. They 
had learned how to deal with "^^the white slaves of the North." But 
a petition was presented from' the town of Smithfield, in favor of a 
more equal representation among "fkeemen." Tiiis was acted upon 
Feb. 6, and a resolution adopted, requesting the ''freemen'' to chooso 
delegates to a Convention to be held in November, 1841. 

rOXJMATION OF A STATE CONSTITUTION. 

The disfranchised non-ficc-lioldcrs, well knowing that (he conlcm- 



18 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

plated Convention of '■'■freemen^'' was not intended to d^o any thing 
effective for tliem, invited a Mass Convention of the people at Provi- 
dence, April 17th, 1841, " to consider their rights, grievances and 
remedies." " A second Mass Convention was held at Newport, May 
5th : and a State Committee was appointed, with power to call a 
Convention of the people at large, for the formation of a Republican 
Constitution. But this call was delayed until the. June session of the 
Charter Assembly, at which Mr. Atwell, a free suffrage member, in- 
troduced a Bill to admit tax-fayers to vote with the '■^ freemen,^^ in the 
choice of delegates to the November Convention, appointed by the 
Assembly. Ten votes only, out of sixty-two, were given in favor of 
this motion, proving clearly that the People had not mistaken the 
objects of that Charter Assemhly^s Convention. On the 5th of July, 
therefore, their Mass Convention assembled again at Providence, and 
instructed their State Committee to issi»e forthwith, their call. This 
was accordingly done. Delegates were duly chosen, according to an 
equal ratio, and in doing it moderators and clerks were chosen, in the 
primary meetings, held in nearly all the towns in the State, and the 
business was transacted according to customary usages in Rhode Is- 
land. A large majority of the delegates assembled in Convention at 
Providence, Oct. 4th, 1841, formed a plan of a Constitution, and ad- 
journed till the next month, that the plan might be submitted to the 
public scrutiny, and be discussed among the people. They re-assem- 
bled in November, made several amendments of their plan, passed 
upon the Constitution, and submitted it to the people for their adop- 
tion or rejection. " The adult male population, who were citizens of 
the United States, and had their permanent residence, or home, in the 
State," were invited to vote upon this question of adoption or rejec- 
tion. This was done, agreeably to appointment of the Convention, 
Dec. 27th, 28th and 29th, 1841, and the result was the adoption of 
the Constitution " by a vote of 13,944, being more than three-fifths 
of the entire male population of Rhode Island." These votes were 
duly returned to the People's Convention, examined and counted, and 
the Constitution declared to be adopted. " The report of the Count- 
ing Committee was transmitted to the Charter Assembly, at its Janu- 
ary session, 1842, and a motion made (by Mr. Atwell) in that body, 
for a Committee to examine the return, which was negatived by a 
large majority." So the Charter Assembly refused to inquire 
whether or no the People had adopted a Constitution ! 

CONVENTION OP THE LANB-HOLDERS — WRINGING AND TWISTING. 

In the mean time, the Landholders' Convention, by invitation of 
the Charter Assembly, had assembled, the first Monday in November 
1841, and " proceeded to draft a Constitution. On the question of 
the extension of the suffrage, the Convention « Voted, to exclude the 
eldest son of freemen, and admit such white male adult citizens as 
possessed taxable property to the amount of five hundred dollars.' " 
The Convention then adjourned to meet again the 15th day of Feb- 



OF RliOEE ISLAND. 19 

ruary following. This they did without formally passing a vote upon 
the plan of Constitution, as a whole. This circumstance, together 
with the subsequent abandonment of this five hundred dollar qualifica- 
tion, at their adjourned session in February, {after the adoption of the 
People's Constitution,) has been made the basis of an evasion, by 
means of which the impression has been successfully and extensively 
made, abroad, tliat no such property qualification was ever intended. 
The^ac^, nevertheless, remains, as above stated, and had there been no 
such event as the adoption of the Free Suffrage Constitution, by the 
people, it is manifest that no such favorable change in the Constitu- 
tion of the " Freemen's" Convention would have been witnessed. 
This is evident, by the testimony of their own defenders. A. C. 
Barstow, in his Letter in the Emancipator of July 21st, in answer 
to Wm. Goodell, and speaking of this period, Nov. 1841, says : 

" But little interest was taken in the matter, [i. e. the free suffrage 
movement,] up to this time. The legal party always looking upon it 
as Si farce, never opposed, nor took any notice of it." 

Of course, then, they had no intention of enacting the " farce" of 
free suffrage, in which they pretend the people themselves took " but 
little interest" ! And since they " took no notice of" this " farce" of 
the people's petitioning for the franchise, it follows that the pretense 
of this same Mr. Barstow, in a previous paragraph, that " the pray- 
er'' (of the free suffrage men) " to the Legislature was answered," 
(instead of the prayer of the " freemen" of Smithfield, for an equal- 
ized representation,) is proved to be without a shadow of foundation. 
Equally explicit is the Discourse of President Wayland, p. 14, where 
he says : — 

" It is proper to add, that until very lately, it has been really doubt- 
ful whether a change was actually desired by any large nuuiber of 
our citizens. Petitions on this subject, were, it is true, several times 
presented, but they never seemed to arise from any strong feeling, nor 
to assume a form that called for immediate action. It has really been 
matter of surprise to me, that the question awakened so little atteU' 
tion." [/ / /] 

Who will believe that, with these views, any " immediate action" 
would have been taken by the holders of power, had not the people 
themselves asserted the sovereignty which God, and reason, and the 
Declaration of Independence, had awarded lo them ? How amazing 

is the eff'iontery of these men ! In no possible way no — not by 

nearly a half century of exertion, (so they tell us,) could the least im- 
pression be made upon them, that the petitioners were in earnest — or 
at least *• any larse number of them" — not enough of them to cause 
any alarm, and therefore, "immediate action was not called for!" 
The disfranchised of Rhode Island had presented themselves before the 
Charter Assembly, about as many times, by their petifions, as Moses 
and Aaron, on behalf of the liebicws, and on a similar errand, had 



20 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

presented fliemsclves before Pharaoh ; they liad waited many years 
longer than did the Hebrews, for the granting of their petitions — but 
(he Assembly thought it " really doubtful whether any change was ac- 
tually desired, by any large number of the citizens" ! The petition- 
ers had. adopted the plan of" carrying this object into effect by means 
of voluntary assDciations." So says President VVayland, and he inti- 
mates their dangerous strength and power. Yet he saw no evidence 
in them of '-any strong feeling," and was "quite surprised that the 
question awakened so little attention" ! A political party had been 
organized — a newspaper had been established and patronized — money 
had been expended — immense Mass Conventions, the largest gather- 
ings ever witnessed in the State, had been held at Providence and 
Newport, and marched in proce^ision through the streets — measures 
adopted for forming a Constitution — delegates to the Convention ap- 
])oin'.cd in nearly all the towns in the State — but " the legal party aU 
ways holed upon it as a farce !"— (precious proof of the clearness 
of their vision !) and, (without ever imagining that they had already 
granted the prayer of^ the disfranchised, and had, therefore, called a 
Convention of the '^freemen,'') they " TOOK NO NOTICE" what- 
ever of all that was passing around them. 

Ijut no sooner had the people taken the additional step of acting 
upon their lights, than-^behold ! the tables are, at once, turned, and 
now, forsooth, the people have been so disorganizing and rebellious, 
(hat a fair pretext is found for their subjugation by martial law ! Yes ! 
And then they try to make the nation believe they were about to give 
thcrn all they asked; had it not been for their insubordination to 
Jaw ! 

But we anticipate the discussion. We must patiently record the 
facts. We must finish the history of this landholder's Constitution. 
We have noticed the refusal of the Charter Assembly, at its June ses- 
.sion, to admit the tax-payers to vote, with the freemen, in choosing 
delegates to their Convention. We have seen also, the disposition, 
up to November, to establish a strong property qualification. We 
have seen, that, up to that time, they regarded the whole movement a 
•' farce." But the successful adoption of a State Constitution by the 
people, had begun to convince them that something more than " a 
iarce" was in progress — that the long-neglected and spurned petitions 
had arisen from " strong feeling," on the part of " a large number of 
the citizens." — What now could l)e done, to prevent the Constitution 
just adopted from going into operation ? We shall presently see what 
they attempted to do. Yet other facts must be recorded in theia* 
order. 

WISDOM AND EQUITY. 

At the session of the Charter Asseml)ly, in January 1842, Mr. At- 
well, a member of that body, and also a member of the People's Con- 
vention, introduced an Act, reciting the doings of that body, and re- 
quiring the Asscmijiy to yield up its authority to the new government, 
which was to be organized -under the Constitution. TIte Bill was re- 



OF miODE ISLAND. , 21 

fected. "Mr. Atwell Ihen moved for an inquiry into the number of 
qualified voters who had cast their ballots for the new Constitution. 
This, too, was negatived, and the entire subject treated with marked 
contempt. Having thus refused to make the inquiry, tiie Charter 
Assembly tacitly admitted that the " asserted majority" was a true 
and real one — they evinced their conviction of the fact, and all cavil 
and controversy on that point, on their jiart, was thus forever fore- 
closed — and their position, in this respect, they well understand. 

Something, however, had been gained. The Landholders' Conven- 
tion was to meet again in February, and the Charter Assembly, now, 
for the first time, consented to humor the people, by passing an Act 
which authorized all persons who would be allowed to vote under the 
Constitution that should be formed in February, to vote on the ques- 
tion of the ado])tion or rejection of that Constitution, in the framing 
of which they liad not been permitted to participate. They insulted 
the people and common sense, at the same time, by passing another 
Act, declaring the People's Constitution, that had just been adopted, 
"an assumption of the powers of government, a violation of the 
rights of the existing government, and of the rights of the people at 
large V^ That is to say, " the people at large" had violated their own 
rights, by doing their own business, and asserting their own supreme 
authority ! 

CONSERVATIVE KNAVERY, AND POPULAR SAGACITY. 

Rejection of the Landholders^ Constitution — and why ? — The Land, 
holders' Convention completed, at its February session, its draft of a 
Constitution, which was submitted to the people, on the 21st, 22d and 
■23d of March. It was rejected, by a majority of nearly 700. 
This rejection is one of the facts never disputed by either party, and 
may fairly be considered as a virtual ratification or re-adoption of the 
People's Constitution of the December previous. What further de- 
monstration of the will of the majority could the Charter Assembly 
ask? They and their opponents, each in turn, had tried their hand, 
in framing a Constitution for the people. Their opponents had ob- 
tained an overwhelming majority for theirs — and they had sustained 
an acknowledged defeat — a rejection of theirs. How could they then 
with any pretension to fair dealing, or regard to " law and order," 
liold out in the controversy any longer? 

But it has been said that this Convention of the landholders was 
"defeated by the eflbrts of ambitious and designing men"! Who is 
it, that has authority to say that, and to nullify the sovereign people's 
acts on that ground? What a "disorganizing" doctrine have we 
here ? By this rule, any President or Governor might hold his seat, 
after the election of his successor, upon a similar plea. 

An examination of the landholder's Constitution will show the 
grounds of its rejection. Ii was obno.\ious to the people, in the fol- 
lowing particulars : — 

1. It did not provide for that grand safeguard of electoral indepen- 
dence, that .terror of tyrants — that dread of demagogues — the vote 



22 THE RIGHTS AND THE WjRONGS 

BY BALLOT witJioiit the name of the voter on the ticket. The mode is 
left to the dictation of the General Assembly, and the people had rea- 
son to apprehend that a mode would be adopted, which, instead of 
conferring real, available power, on the operatives of the manufac- 
turing districts, (dependent as they are, on their employers, and sub- 
jected as they might be, to their scrutiny and dictatorship,) would on- 
Jy tend to swell tlie already overgrown power of the capitalists. 

2. It di-d not destroy the freehold caste, nor the peculiar qualifica- 
tion of the freeholder's oldest son. These stood in the same position 
as they did before, but the franchise was farther extended by admit- 
ting white native American citizens, twenty. one years of age, who 
had resided in the State two years, and in the town six months. Free- 
holders and their eldest sons could vote after a residence of one year. 

3. Of course, it left all except freeholders without that right of ju- 
ry trial by their peers so essential to their security, and even to their 
protection from persons claiming them as slaves. 

4. It did not place naturalized citizens on a level with the soil-born, 
but required of them three years residence, in addition to the five re- 
quired by the United States, and that they should own real estate in 
the town where they might vote. This would prevent a large num- 
ber of operatives in the factories from voting at all. Many more 
would forfeit the right, by moving to another village for employment. 
And nearly all of them would hold the elective franchise, if at all, at 
the pleasure and good will of their employers. Thus, they might be- 
come the tools of the capitalists, instead of becoming independent 
freemen. 

5. No provision was made enabling the people to strike out the 
word " white" and tlius extend the suffrage to the colored population, 

6. It did not recognize the inalienable rights of man, nor the sov.e- 
reignty of the People, nor their right to frame, alter and abolish gov- 
ernments at their pleasure. 

Many other defects might be enumerated. But two positive abom- 
inations, each one, of itself, sufficient to insure ils reJ3ction by a peo- 
pie who understood their rights, or regarded fundamental equity, de- 
serve special attention. 

First. Its apportionment of representation was so unequal, that, 
under its operation, the State would have been still governed, as hith- 
erto, BY A MINORITY ! It threw the control of the Assembly into the 
hands of towns and districts containing less than one-third of the in- 
habitants ! 

Second. The Assembly, thus constituted and governed, was to 
hold, in its own hands, virtually, the question of amendment or non- 
amendment, of this defective and unjust Constitution. All move- 
ments in the direction of change, were to originate with the Assembly 
elected by a minority of the people. If they proposed amendments, 
and the people concurred, and if — after the people had approved 
them, the Assembly still agreed to it, then, but not otherwise, the 
Constitution could be amended ! This mode of amendment will ap- 



or RHODE ISLAND. 23 

pear in its frue colors, when it is added thnt tlicre was no provision 
mado for a new apportionment of tlie representation, already unequal, 
and likely to grow into a still greater inequality, in a few years. 

So that the landholders' Constitution, at'ter all, was a knavish trap, 
to cheat the people with a show of sovereignty, and never put thetn 
in real possession of it, no — not even for a single hour. More than 
this, it was a dishonest trick to gull them into a ratification, an agree- 
ment, to many of the same abuses which now exist only as sheer 
usurpations, without a show of popular or constitutional sanction. — 
On the whole, the people knew very well, that if the}'' adopted this 
Constitution, they would be in a worse position to assert their rights, 
than they were, under the Charter. As its framing, both in the man- 
ner and matter of it, was an insult to the people, so its rejection by 
them was a proof of their discrimination and foresight. " They saw 
the hook through the bait," and avoided it.' In the language of a ner- 
vous writer — " After all, it was to be the LAND that was to govern, 
and not MAN. The free suffrage party were solemnly bound to re- 
ject that Constitution, and they would have been false to themselves 
and to their principles, if they had done otherwise." And he shows, 
by a detailed statement of particulars, how, ere long, the representa- 
tion in the Senate, would have become as objectionable as under the 
Charter, and how "this landed majority in tiie Senate, could always 
prevent the passage of any Act for the amendment of the Constitu- 
tion." 

How provoking, that the people would not rivet their own fetters! 
That they would not give up their own Constitution for that of the 
landholders! They must be rebels and disorganizers, of course! 

THE STATE CONSTITtlTION — ITS JIAJOKITY ADOPTION. 

Of the People's Constitution, we have heard no complaint, that 
could befit republican or Christian lips, except the insertion of the 
word "white" which, it was believed, would be stricken out by the 
people, as proposed. We will now attend to some objections that 
have been urged — not against the charade?', but against the valid' 
ity of this Constitution. 

It has been contended by individuals, (never by the Charter Gov- 
ernment) that there is no evidence of its adoption by the majority. — 
This plea is evidently resorted to, as an after-thought — a mere pre- 
text, to cover the real ground of objection — its republican features — • 
its recognition of popular sovereignty — its adoption without leave of 
the Charter Assembly. Nevertlieless, we will look at it. We have 
already noticed that the Assembly have never dared to inquire into 
the returns. That fact, of itself, should be decisive, unless it be 
pleaded that the Assembly planted themselves solely upon the position 
that no Constitution adopted without their sanction could be binding ! 
If this be their ground, let them abide the issue on that ground, and 
let their advocates be as silent as they arc, on the subject of the major- 
ity adoption. 



2i THE RIGHTS ANI> THE WRONGS 

But is it credible that a majority of the people, who are dislVan. 
chimed, did not vote in favor of a Constitution that recognized their 
riglits — and at a time, too, when they had every reason to believe that 
no Constitution would be ofl'ered by the landholders' Convention, that 
would not contain the property qualification of 5^500? A condition 
vvhicli would still disfranchise a great portion of them ? 

If it be said that very many of them possess this property qualifi- 
cation, and therefore were not in favor of the Constitution — and if to 
this plea be added the very novel estimate of Mr. A.C. Barstow, that 
a majority of the people are landholders, and that therefore, they could 
not be supposed to be in favor of the People's Constitution — how, we 
demand, does this duplicate pfea agree with the other very novel dis- 
covery of Mr. Barstow and others, viz., that the people of the State 
are almost unanimously in favor of free suffrage, and have beer?, from 
the beginning of the present ditficulties ? 

It is remarkable that President Wayland and others, who have la- 
bored to create a suspicion or doubt on this majority question, have 
labored likewise to prove that the expressed will of the majority is not 
binding, and that such a principle would be despotic in its nature ! — 
Mr. Barstow says explicitly — " If it [the Constitution] was voted for, 
by a majority of the male citizens, still it can not be the fundamental 
law of the land." And Dr. Wayland says that in such a despotism 
of the majority " society would be worse than solitude." Why then 
do ihey seek to create a belief that this despotism of the majority is on 
their side ? Why not stick to the old doctrine that the minority ought 
to govern ? 

But to the facts. The Committee of the People's Convention, by 
whom the returns were received and counted, reported " that as near- 
ly as could be ascertained, the number of males in the State, over the 
age of twenty-one years, who could be voters under the People's Con- 
stitution, was 23,142 ; that 11,572 were a majority of that number, 
and that the People's Constitution was approved by 13,944, being a 
plurality of 4,756 and a majority of 2,372 votes." So that more than 
three-fifths of the whole number voted for the Constitution. Another 
calculation shows likewise, that the Constitution was adopted by a 
majority, even of the ^^ freemen" under the Charter. Thus : The 
largest number of votes ever polled, under the Charter, was 8,662, a 
majority of whom would be 4,332. And the "returns" showed that 
4,927 of the votes in favor of the Constitution were given by " free- 
men," {[or their votes were separately registered) making a majority 
of freemen of nearly six hundred. 

" Every challenge that was made, at the election, was received, and 
the votes excluded from the count. Every voter wrote his name on 
the face of his ticket, and these tickets are preserved for the scrutiny 
of the Charter Assembly, together with the registers kept of the per- 
sons voting." " As to any unfair dealings, or spurious votes, the ^s- 
semhhj have never dared, though solicited by the liberal members, to 
make the inquiry.'''' Where then, is the room for controversy ? 



OF EIIODE ISLAND. 25 

To make an iniprcssion abroad, it has been objocted tiiat votes were 
fjiven hy proxy, that is, tickets, duly authenticated, were sent in by 
individuals not present in parson. Also that the moderators of the 
town meetings were not j)iit under oath. But in both these particu- 
lars, the people followed the customary usages, and even, in the case 
of votinji by proxy, the statute laws of Illiode Island. For what hon- 
est object, then, are the.se objections trumpeted through the land ? Et?.- 
])ecially 'when ths number of proxy votes were so kw that if thcv 
were al! cast out, the result would not be materially varied ? 

An effort has been made to discredit the majority returns of the 
Convention, by alledging that, in a subsequent vote for Governor, un- 
der this Constitution, in April, there was not quite half as many votes 
as were claimed for the Constitution. But what does this prove? — 
There was an occasion for a rally on the vote for the adoption of the 
Constitution. But in the election of Governor, there was no oppos- 
ing candidate, and why should the people rally in their strength ? — 
The aristocratic minority would not, of course, vote, under the Con- 
stitution, the validity of which they denied, and were preparing, by 
force of arms, to overthrow. A ballot-box rally, therefore, was not 
needed, to meet them. The Charter Assembly, too, had passed a law. 
forbidding, on penalty of fines and imprisonment, the holding of meet- 
ings to vote under the People's Constitution, or standing as candid- 
ates ; and declaring it frcaso/i to accept and '• assume to exercise" 
any State office, under the Constitution ! What can exceed the ef- 
frontery of men who can adopt measures like these, to keep the peo- 
ple from voting, and then claim that the diminished vote is an evi- 
dence of their having abandoned their object ! And yet, after all. 
the State officers, under the Constitution were chosen by a vote ol' 
nearly 1,600 more than those under the old Cliarter \'^ 

President Wayland, in his discourse, first repeats, and then, very 
adroitly, reverses the argument. After laboring to discredit the re. 
turns of the December vole, in favor of the Constitution, he turns a 
somerset, and bases an argument on the truthfulness of those returns, 
to prove that >' more than one half" of those who voted for the Con- 
stitution in December, " Itad abandoned''^ it in April ! For how did he 
know that, without assuming that tlie December returns were trust- 
worthy ? The honesty of this double argument is m keeping with the 



* The votes for " the officeri; under this Constitution" are stated by President 
"Wayland, to be 6,417. The Charter Assembly, as its proceedings are recorded ii\ 
the Providence Journal of May 5, reported the vote for S. W. King, as Gover- 
nor to be 4,864, and for the opposing candidate, T. F. Carpenter (a suffrage man 
■who has since been arrested lor treason)2,211. Scattering; 3. This gives Gov. 
Dorr, by their own account, 1,553 more 'votes than S. W. King, whom the 
Charterists support as Governor of the State. And it shows that out of the 
13,492 ,votes gtven fur Governor, under h/yfk organizations, only 4,864, or a little 
iTiore than one-third were giveti lor the man who afterwards governed the State 
by mllitan/ law, (!) while, by their own statements, 8,628 votes were cast for two 
randidales (Dorr and Carpenter) both of whom arc charged with treasou against 
the government of the 4,861 " V-giliwoics!" 
4 



26 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

logic that assumes, (as his evidently does,) that the people abandon a 
Constitution, and thereby make it a nullity, by neglecting to rally a 
majority of their whole number (or as many as voted to adopt it,) at 
every election that takes place under it ! And this from a learned 
teacher who deprecates " disorganization" and capricious and irregu- 
lar change ! 

If any thing were needed to corroborate the returns of the votes, 
such efforts to get rid of thesn would be a sutlicient guaranty of their 
correctness. Another corroboration of a main item, in the estimate 
of the Convention, is inadvertently furnished by another opponent. 

Mr. Barstow's estimate of the number of persons in Rhode Island 
" entitled to vote in States where suffrage is most extended" is 22,000, 
or 1,142 less than the estimate of the People's Convention. This 
makes the majority in favor of the People's Constitution 571 inore 
than they made it. For this unexpected service,"from Mr. Barstow, 
the friends of the Constitution will be obliged. " Howbeit, he meant 
it not so, neither did his heart think so." He was intent on the ac- 
countable object of making out his new discovery that the horribly 
dangerous power of the majority, (as President Wayland hath it,) is 
in the hands of the landholders ! This point, to his own satisfaction, 
he made out, by ah additional stretch of his powers at guessing, which 
we need not examine. If he chooses to have it that, udih a majority 
of landholders, the People's Constitution was adopted by a majority 
of 571 more votes than they ever claimed, we shall not labor to con- 
fute him. 

And here we drop, for the present, the subject of the Constitution's 
majority adoption, with the obvious remark that if the people had a 
right to adopt a Constitution, without the sanction of the Charter 
Government, then they had a right to prescribe the manner of doing 
it, and of appointing the officers to do it — and their report of the re- 
suit is to be accredited by all conscientious sticklers for " law and or- 
der," and for the " correct way of doing business." Otherwise there 
is an end to all decisions by majorities, and the fiction of Pres. Way- 
land, as applied to the Constitutionalists, becomes a reality in the case 
of himself and his partisans. If " individuals" may trample on a 
Constitution of the sovereign People, duly declared by their appoint- 
ed officers to have been adopted, because they choose to doubt the cor- 
rectness of the count, thus claiming for themselves " a majority as- 
certained by no forms of law," then indeed may they " overturn the 
whole fabric of existing institutions" — a work which, it would seem, 
they are determined to do. 

CONSTITUTIONAL "LAW AND ORDER." 

We come then, to the grave inquiry whether the Constitution of 
jRhode Island was adopted in conformity with ^'law and ordet?" Or 
whether, as is claimed by the Charter Government, it was a violation 
of " law and order" for the People to form a Constitution, without 
leave of the Charter Assembly — insomuch that the legality and va- 
lidity of their Constitution is thereby destroyed. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 27 

The Declaration of Independence — that corner stone of all 
our American Constitutions — that grand exposiior and father of Con- 
stitutional law — that authenticated definition of "a republican form 
of government" and directory of "the manner'''' of establishing free 
institutions, according to fundamental " law and order" — is remarka- 
bly explicit, and direct to the point in hand. 

All governments " derive their just powers froin the consent of the 
governed." — " Whenever any form of government becomes destruc- 
tive of the ends for which it was instituted, it is the right of the peo- 
ple to alter, or to abolish it, and institute a new government." 

Twenty-five State Constitutions, in this Union, we might 
quote, to the same effect. And as to " the manner," the Constitu- 
tion of Vermont says — " The community hath an indubitable, ina- 
lienable, and indefeasible right, to reformer alter government, IN 
SUCH MANNER, as shall be by that coinmunity, judged most condu. 
cive of the public weal." Pennsylvania says, " The people at all times 
have an inalienable, and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish 
their government, IN SUCH MANNER as they think proper." Vir- 
ginia says, " A majority of the community hath an indubitable, ina- 
lienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish government, 
IN SUCH iMANNER as shall be judged most conducive to the pub- 
lie weal." Every Constitution of Government in the American Un- 
ion, (unless we quote the rejected landholders' Constitution of R. Is- 
land, from which it was carefully excluded !) contains in its Bill of 
Rights the assertion of the same principle. 

We cite these specimens not merely as expressions of correct prin- 
ciples, but as authentic quotations of Constitutional " law and 
order" in America. Now for a few commentaries upon that "law 
and order." 

Washington, in his Farewell Address, says : 

"The basis of our political systems is the right of the people 
to MAKE and alter their form of government." 

Judge Wilson, of Pennsylvania, one of the framers of the U. S. 
Constitution, says : — " The people may change the Constitution'?, 
whenever, and HOWEVER they please. This is a right of which 
no positive institutions can ever deprive them." " In our governments, 
the supreme, absolute, mcontrollable power remains in the people ; as 
our Constitutions are superior to our legislature, so the people are su- 
perior to our Constitutions." [Judge Wilson's Works. Vol. III. page 
292. 3d Philad. ed. 1804.] Again, the same writer says, .the people 
have the " right of abolishing, altering or amending this Constitution, 
at whatever time, and in WHATEVER MANNER they may 
choose." [Vol. I. page 17.] 

Ha3iilton, who was never suspected of ultra democratic predilec- 
tions, says : " The fabric of the American empire ought to rest on the 
solid basis of the consent of the people. The streams of national 
power ought to flow immediatply from that pure, oiiginal fountain of 
•all legitimate autiiority." [Federalist, No. 22 ] 



28 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Others. — But the time would fail us to quote Mr. Rawle. and 
Judges Patterso:\, Iredell, Marshall and Story, of the U. S. 
Supreme Court, the latter of whom sa) s expressly, that the Declara- 
tion of Independence, which contains the doctrine, is not to be re- 
garded meiely as a practical fact, but " in a legal and Constitutional 
view of the matter, by courts of justice." [Story's Commentaries, 
pp. 198, 199 ] 

THE rULriT — AS IT ONCE WAS. 

The f/e/^'caZ expounders of " law and order" in R, Island, (who 
boast, by the bye, their neglect and contempt of political concern, 
.ments,) may be properly reminded that their predecessors, of Revolu- 
tionary times, who devoted earnest attention to civil matters, held 
exactly opposite views, and confronted the British and high tory di- 
vines of the day, (the Way lands and Vintons and Tuckers of their 
times,) with the assertion of the same doctrines just quoted from our 
chief jurists and statesmen. They led the way, indeed, in shaping 
and promulgating the very doctrines now contended for by the Con- 
stitutionalists of Rhode Island, and on account of which they are pro- 
scribed as disorganizers. 

President Stiles, of Yale College, wrote a book in defense of the 
people's Judges, by whom Charles I. was deposed and sentenced to 
death ; and abundantly maintains the doctrines against which Presi- 
dent Wayland contends. 

Dr. Emmons, though a Federalist of the old school, and jealous of 
the ultra democratic writers, both French and American, very clearly 
asserts the doctrine now in dispute : 

"The highest, as well as the lowest civil rulers, under the gospel 
dispensation, derive all their authority from their fellow men, and not 
from God, [i. e. not by direct appointment,] and therefore those who 
gave them authority, may tahe it away, and refuse to obey them, when 
they make laws which are unscriptural, unjust, oppressive and ty- 
rannical." [Emmons' Sermons, Vol. V. p. 439.] Of course, the 
people must judge^for themselves. 

In a sermon on " Obedience to Magistrates," under the administra- 
tion of the elder Adams, of whom he was a zealous supporter. Dr. 
Emmons, nevertheless, carefully'disclaims the doctrine now held by 
the Charterists of R. Island. He says : — 

" Volumes have been written in favor of passive obedience and 
non-resistance* to the higher powers, and volumes have been written 
m opposition to this absurd and detestable doctrine." [Vol. II. p. 140.] 



* This term was then used to designate — not the doctrine of the (Quakers, nor 
the doctrine of Anti-Civil-Governmenl — but the doctrine of the high tory party 
in England, who held the divine right of kings — or of existing governments, and 
denounced anathemas a^'ainst popular sovereignty, as the Charterists of Rhode 
-Island now do. 



OF RHODE ISLAND, -29 

OTHER AUTlIORITIEi?. 

Madison. After the Constitution of the United States had been 
framed and adopted, an objection, it seems, was raised, " in respect to 
the powers oi' the Convention.'' "'It is asked." says Mr. Madison, 
" by what authority this bold and radical innovation was undertaken." 
And Mr. Madison devotes a paper to the question *' whether the Con- 
vention were authorized to frame" it. No writer on the Constitu- 
tion, and on American Constitutional law, is regarded as higher au- 
thority than Mr. Madison. Let us hear him : 

" They [the members of the Convention] must have reflected that 
in all great changes of established governments, forms ought to give 
way to the substance ; that a rigid adherence, in such cases, to the 
former, would render nominal and nugatory the transcendent and pre- 
cious right of the people to abolish or alter this government, as to 
them shall seem most likely to effjct their safety and happiness. 
Since it is impossible for the people spontaneously and universally to 
move in concert towards their object ; and it is THEREFORE ES- 
SENTIAL that such changes be instituted by some INFORMAL 
and UNAUTHORIZED propositions, made by some patriotic CITI- 
ZEN, or NUMBER of citizens. They must have recollected that 
it was by this irregular and assumed privilege of proposing to the 
people plans for their safety and happiness, that the States were first 
united against the danger with which they were threatened by their 
ancient government ; that Committees and Congresses for concen- 
trating their eflbrts, and defendmg their rights, and that Conventions 
were elected in the several States for establishing the Constitutions 
under which they are now governed. Nor could it have been forgot- 
ten, that no ill timed scruples, no zeal for adhering to ordinary forms, 
were any where seen, except in those who loished to indulge, under 
these masks, their secret enmity to the substance contended for. ^^ * * 
"They must have borne in mind, that as the plan to be framed and 
proposed, was to be submitted to the people themselves, the disappro- 
bation of this SUPREME authority would destroy it for ever ; its ap- 

PROBATION BLOT OUT ALL ANTECEDENT ERRORS AND IRREGULARI- 
TIES." [Federalist, No. 40.] 

If Mr. Madison had been writing a Review of " Dr. Wayland's 
Discourse on the Affairs of Rhode Island," he could not have hit the 
mark with greater precision. 

But perhaps the Doctor and his friends would prefer quotations from 
some modern statesman, one whose views of "law ana order" in R. 
Island, are more in accordance with their own. We will accommo- 
date them, with pleasure. 

Henry Clay, in his late speech at Lexington, Ky., touched upon 
Rhode Island affairs, and expressed great sympathy with the Charter- 
ists, and horror at the attempts of the Constitutionalists. Yet we will 
prove from this speech of Mr. Clay, that the Constitution of Rhode 



30 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Island was regularly and lawfully framed and adopted ; that it is as 
valid and binding as any Constitution in the United States. 

Mr. Clay concedes that the Rhode Island Constitution "being sub- 
mitted to the People, an apparent majority voted for it." And, instead 
of stopping to question the count, he contends that " the major parV 
must not be permitted to govern ! Why ? Because it was contrary 
to " precedent ?" No ! He admitted that it was according to " pre- 
<!edent !" Was it because it was in violation of Constitutional law? 
This he does not pretend ! Why then ? Because the example, at the 
South, would tend to abolish slavery ! 

Yet Mr. Clay understands that the Constitution of R. Island was 
as regularly adopted as that of Michigan. This he admits, as well 
he may, for no leave was asked from Congress, or from any other 
body, by the people of Michigan, and they transacted the business 
less carefully and regularly than was done in Rhode Island. But then 
the people of Michigan should have known better than to assert pop- 
ular sovereignty, at the hazard of the " peculiar institution." And 
Congress should have known better than to have permitted the prece- 
dent ! Hear Mr. Clay : 

" I do not deny that their population and condition, (in Michigan) 
entitled them to admission ; but I insist that it should have been done 
in the regular and established mode." 

And again, — " Did not the rebellion in Rhode Island find for its 
support, A PRECEDENT, established by the majority in congress in 
the irregular admission of Territories as States, into the Union to 
which I have heretofore alluded?" 

Yes ! Mr. Clay ! Doubtless it did, if you call " the movements of^ 
the Dorr party" — the Constitutionalists — a "rebellion." And since 
Congress has admitted Michigan, and thus conceded its Constitution 
to stand on the same legal footing with that of all the other States, it 
follows that neither Henry Clay, nor the Charterists of Rhode Island, 
nor President Tyler can wage war against the Rhode Island Consti- 
tution, without waging war with all the State Constitutions in the 
Union ! This by Mr. Clay's own showing ; and the supporters of 
" peculiar institutions" — Northern and Southern — would do well to 
count the cost, before they proceed much further. 

Senator Buchanan, another modern statesman, never suspected 
of sympathy, either with Gov. Dorr or other "incendiary fanatics," 
advocated in the Senate, the claims of Michigan for admission. In 
doing this, he vindicated the Michigan Constitution by just such ar- 
gument? as those by which Mr. Madison defended tha Constitution of 
the United States — the sa-xie used lately, by Mr. Cowell, in defending 
the Constitution of Rhode Island — an act, for which, by the bye, we 
understand, he was thi-eatened with prosecution for treason, and has 
left the State, to escape arrest, by the Charterists ! 

Our witnesses, then, to the validity of the Rhode Island Constitu- 
tion, (if any of our American Constitutions are valid,) arc tliese, viz. 
the Declaration of Independence, the Constitutions of the United 



OF RHODE ISLAND. • 31 

States, and of all the several States, with their Bills of Rights, as ex-^ 
pounded by VVashington, Wilson, Hamilton, Madison, Ravvle. Patter- 
son, Iredell, Marshall, Story ; in accordance with the ethics of the 
American divines of the Revolutionary age ; Stiles, Emmons, and' 
their cotemporaries. Among the moderns, Clay, Buchanan, and the 
*• majority of Congress" that admitted Michigan. 

If these witnesses are trust-worthy, then those, if there are such in. 
Rhode Island, who forcibly resist the authorities of that Stale, under 
the Constitution of December, 1841, arc insurgents, and revolution- 
ists, legally as well as morally, at open war with the " basis of all our 
political systems." Whether such facts have occurred, and if so, what 
shape they have assumed, will appear as we proceed. But it is im- 
portant, in the mean time, to carry along with us, a remembi-ance of 
the great principles of American Constitutional law, just exhibited, 
and to remember that, not only as a historical fact, but also " in a le- 
gal and Constitutional view of the matter by courts of justice"^ — (ac- 
cording to Judge Story) the Declaration of Independence has estab- 
lished these principles of " law and order" in the place of those that 
prevailed under tlie British Crown, and which may be claimed under 
the " Charters." Much as the Waylands of Rhode Island may re- 
gret the fact of the change, it has nevertheless taken place, and the 
fact is a legal fact. The " powers that be" — in this country, accord- 
ing to their own use of the phrase, are the sovereign People — the oath 
to support the Constitution of the United States, is an oath to support 
that sovereignty — so that, by their own principles, their State officers 
can not rebel against the Constitution of Rhode Island, without a vio- 
lation of their oaths — and (according to their expositions of Paul 
and of Peter,) bringing down their own anathemas upon their own 
heads. So that they must change their principles before they caa 
justify their practice. 

" THE LUST OF OFFICE" — " THE RAGE OF POLITICAL AMBITION." 

Wayland. 

There was a session of the old Charter Assembly in March 1842. 
It contained some members who were in favor of a free government, 
and they exerted themselves to bring the Assembly to adopt just mea- 
sures. The Assembly were reminded that the popular will had been 
/w?'ce expressed — once in favor of the free suffrage Constitution, and 
again in the rejection of the Constitution prepared by the " freemen's" 
Convention, under their authority. With the hope of terminating 
the unhappy dissensions of the State, and averting the calamities of 
a civil war, the following propositions, through these liberal members, 
were distinctly and successively made, and eack, in turn, promptly 
and contemptuously rejected ; viz : 

1. A Bill was introduced, to conform the general election to the 
provisions of the adopted Constitution. By passing this Bill, the 
Assembly could have given all the sanction of their needful authority 
{[^ that were the thing wanting) to make the People's Constitution 
orderly and valid. Bui the Bill was rejected. 



32 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

2. Another Bill was then introduced to submit the People's! Con- 
slitiition, that had already been once adopted, to the test of a new or- 
Jeal by the people, so that the town meetings should be held, and the 
counts and returns made, under direction of the Charter Assembly, 
and its '■ authorized" and " duly qualified officers." This would ob- 
viate all the ditliculty ailedged to have arisen from the declaration of 
"a majority ascertained by no forms of law.". And to make the Bill 
more acceptable to the Assembly, it was provided that the constituen- 
cy to be called upon to vote on the adoption of this Constitution, 
should be the same who would have been qualified to vote under the 
rejected Constitution of the freeholders. This would meet the cur- 
rent objection that the People's Constitution had been adopted by the 
votes of aliens, who had not been, for a proper time, resident in the 
State. But this Bill, too, was rejected ! 

The adoption of eitlur of the preceding Bills would have termi- 
nated the cotitroversy, and in a manner sufficiently courteous, one 
would think, to the ruling minority dynasty, under the Charter. But 
both attempts failed. Other expedients were nevertheless tried, 

3. A proposition was made for an extension of the suffrage by Act 
of Assembly. This was askin'j; them to exercise the very power over 
the suffrage that they held by the Charter, and without relinquishing 
that power. In complying with it, they would still have preserved 
their Charter authority over the whole subject. Whether this would 
have satisfied the people or no, they could have tried the experiment. 
And they could have given some evidence of the sincerity of their 
professions of willingness that the franchise should be extended, if it 
could only be done in the proper manner, and by competent author- 
ity. — But the proposition was repulsed ! One more proposition re- 
mained, viz : 

4. At the adjourned meeting of the same Charter Assembly in 
April, a proposal was made to call another Convention, whose dele- 
gates should be chosen by a constituency only a little larger than 
that which existed under -the old laws. But in vain! Not one single 
movement would they make in favor of the disfranchised. 

How and why was all this? Why refuse now, what would seem, 
at first glance, to' be a smaller concession to popular freedom than 
was accorded in the rejected Constitution of the landholders ? 

The answer is at hand. They had so adroitly adjusted the details 
of that Constitution, (as already shown,) that the apparent extension 
of the suffrage would avail the people nothing, but to bind their fetters 
the closer. It did not give them the independent power of the ballot, 
box, nor destroy the caste of the freeholders, nor secure the benefits of 
trial by jury, nor properly limit the power of the legislature, nor 
provide for the extension of^ the suffVage, by a popular vote, to the co- 
lored people, nor terminate the sure reign of the aristocratic minority; 
but on the other hand, it would have confirmed and perpetuated all 
these abuses by a vote of the people, putting all future amendments of 
the Constitution out of their hands, and placing it in the power of the 



OF Ri'IODE ISLAND. 33 

minorit}'. It" i!ic people would have accopletl the suflVagc as a fran- 
chise, as a ])rivilcge, and on these prescribed terms, they niiglit have 
had it. But (his they liad refused, and therefore the Assembly would 
MOW grant tlicm nothing at all — nor concede an inch, to [)revcnf a 
popular commotion ! 

FORUKARANCK — FACTS VERSUS rRETEXSIOTN'S. 

Now mark ! It was not until all these pacific overtures had been 
made and rejected, that the people went forward under their Consti- 
tution, adopted in December, and elected their State officers, wit'li 
Gov. Dorr at their head, on Monday, April 18th, 1842. They wait, 
cd, in the hope that sometliing would be conceded by the minority. 

What a comment have we here, in these naked facts, upon the pre- 
tense lately made, that every body almost, in ll. Island, including thn 
members of the Charter Government, were ready, all along, to extend 
the franchise, and that they only objected to its being done in an ir- 
regular, unlawful and unauthorized manner ! How remarkably did 
they fulfil the prophecy (so to speak) of President Madison, when hn 
said, (as already quoted,) that " no ill-timed scruples, no zeal for ad- 
hering to ordinary forms, tvere any where seen, except in those who 
wished to indulge, under these masks; iX^e'iv secret enmity to the sub- 

STAA'CE CO?vTE?<DED FOr" ! 

Turn we now to the Letter of Mr. A. C. Barstow, in the Emanci- 
cipator of June 9th, and hear him gravely affirm — " The question at 
issue here is, not whether we shall have a written Constitution — an 
extension of suffrage — or an equalized representation. The question 
is as to the manner in which these blessings shall be secured — a largo 
majority of all parties being in favor of the things themselves." And 
again, in the same paper of July 21st, hear him say : — " After thn 
prayer of their petition to the Legislature was answered," [when ? 
how ?] " the Suffrage Association, as though bent on mischief, deter- 
mined to steal a march on the legal authorities, called a Convention 
themselves." Thus charging on them a disposition to quarrel with 
the Charter Government, though it was ready to answer and to grant 
in a proper manner, all their reasonable requests! What do people 
mean by such representations 1 

If Mr. Barstow means to attirm. on the strength of the December 
vote, adopting the People's Constitution, that a large majority of thn 
people, of all parties, are in favor of those objects, let him say so, and 
admit too, that they are in favor of the manner in which it was done. 
Let him guess, if he can, (since his powers seem adapted to that ser- 
vice,) what other mode or manner of securing their rights, peacefully, 
this majority could have adopted, with any prospect of success. B.ut 
wc resume the narrative. 

THE " ALGERIXE LAW." 

Though the Charter Assembly of April 1842 could take no mea.i- 
urcs, in <j7/7/ direction, in iavor of "those blessings'' which, as Mr. 
BarsloAV himself attests to us, ^vcrc desired by "alai'ge majority of 
5 



34 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

all parties," they were nevertlieless, at no loss to find out something 
connected with passing occurrences, to which they could direct their 
legislative attention — they could transcend all the powers they had 
ever held, even under the Charter of Charles II. — they could enact a 
law too despotic to be described by a British monarch as being " not 
repugnant to the laws of this our realm of England" — in order to pre- 
vent "a large majority" of the sovereign people from securing "those 
blessings," in conformity to American Constitutional law, viz. " in 
such MANNER as they thought p7-oper." 

Up to November 1841, they had "always looked upon" the suf- 
frage movement as a " farce" ! They " took no notice of it," They 
thought it " really doubtful whether any change was actually desired 
by any large number of the citizens." The *' petitions never seemed 
to arise from any strong feeling, nor to assume a form that called for 
immediate action." But 7iow, the Constitution prepared in Novem- 
ber had been adopted by the people, and they found it was no 
^' farce." Noic, therefore, there became, in their view, evidence of 
" strong feeling" — aye, and strong feeling, too, by " a large number of 
citizens" — yes ! 13,944 of them ! A "large majority of all parties,'' 
as Mr. Barstow hath it. (For it was, we presume, by no other 
" forms of law," that Mr. Barstow's " large majority" was " ascer- 
tained" !) Now, thez'efore, the Charter Assembly found it compatible 
with its dignity to " take notice of it." Now, at length, the move- 
ment had " assumed a form that called for immediate action" ! And 
what action was it ? A force-law and resolutions for the suppression 
(not the support) of the People's Constitution ! A law prohibiting the 
holding of elections, and declaring it HIGH TREASON against the 
State, to accept any office at the hands of the peoplk ! 

The Charter Assembly, in February, had denounced the People's 
Constitution, with the evident intention of forcing them to accept the 
landholders^ Constitution, on the alternative of obtaining that or none. 
But the people, with this threat over them, had nevertheless rejected 
it. And now it was declared treason to accept an office under the 
People's. A more palpable and direct denial of the people's sove- 
reignty can not be imagined. 

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED. — GOV. DORR. 

And now, in the month of April, 1842, under this interdict of trea- 
son from the minority, (who were closely approaching to treasonable 
action themselves, unless popular sovereignty be " a farce,") the ma- 
jority proceeded to the business of the State election. Was it a 
marvel that under such an interdict from the party in power, that 
many of the suffrage men were overawed — that they absented them- 
selves from the polls — that numbers who had been prominent among 
them declined standing as candidates for office, and especially for the 
office of Governor ? And what a comment have we here upon the 
pretense that the diminished vote, at this election, discredits the ma- 
jority adoption of the People's Constitution in December I And that 



OF RHODE ISLAND. .35 

I 

too, when the April vote of the Constitutionalists, even in these cir- 
cumstances and without an opposing candidate, vvas nearly 1,600 
more than the vote for the Charter Governor ! What can match the 
efTrontery of men who can first hold the halter and the prison before 
the people, in terrorem, and then claim the diminished vote as an evi- 
dence of Iheir free and deliberate abandonment of their cause — evi- 
dence of their minority, too, when they show a majority of nearly 
1,600 over their opponents ! What reliance can the community 
place upon tlie representations of such men ? 

The Constitutional Government was regularly and peaceably or- 
ganized, by the election of State officers, in April 1842. As no op- 
])Osing candidates were set up, there can be no doubt of the legality of 
their election. The Governor elected was Thomas VV. Doer, Esq., 
son of Sullivan Dorr, who is recognized as one of the substantial in- 
habitants of that city — a gentleman of high respectability and of 
■wealth, and altogether loyal, even at the present time, to the Old 
Charter authorities of the State. Young Mr. Dorr was a popular 
member of the State Legislature at the time of the attempts made by 
Mr. Hazard and others, in 1835-6, to procure legal enactments 
against abolitionists, in accordance with the Southern demands. 
Quite unexpectedly to many of his friends, and much to the annoy- 
ance and disgust of some of them, Mr. Dorr threw himself suddenly 
and with great power and effect, into the opening breach, on that 
memorable occasion. With a clearness of argument and force of 
eloquence seldom exceeded, and aided by George Curtis, Esq. another 
member from Providence, he succeeded in holding the Hazard party 
in check, and in finally defeating their plans. 

For this disorganizing and almost treasonable act, as it was deem- 
ed, Mr. Dorr received, of course, the customary measure of aristo- 
cratic abuse. He had disgraced his high parentage and his kin. 
He had betrayed the high trust of city interests, committed to his 
charge. Thenceforward, he was an ultra — a radical — an incendiary 
— a leveler — an agrarian, — in the cant vocabulary of the day. 
Thenceforward he was a " marked man." 

The manly independence of his course, it is true, at a time when 
most of his supporters were exceedingly mad against the abolitionists, 
could scarcely fail to command the respect even of his more intelligent 
opponents ; and the brilliancy of his talents, the respectability of his 
connections, and his rising political influence, held at bay, for the mo- 
ment, very many who have greedily availed themselves, since, of the 
first convenient opportunity to vent upon him their long cherished 
spite. 

Mr. Dorr committed another legislative offense against the monied 
aristocracy, about the same time, for which he has never been forgiven. 
He succeeded, to their great chagrin, in procuring a repeal of that 
unequal law by which the Banks were enabled to push the summary 
collection of their debts, by a process which other creditors could not 
use, and which enabled them to fleece a debtor before he could either 



36 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

extricate himself by obtaining relief elsewhere, or take measures for 
clividing equitably, among the creditors, his effects. This was a " pil- 
lage and plunder^' deserving retribution at their hands ; and, accord- 
ingly, no Bank cashier, teller, or clerk, whatever might be his own 
privaie views, could retain his station, if he lent any countenance to 
the '"agrarian disorganizer, Dorr"! 

To all these offenses, Mr. Dorr had added, at an early day, (he crime 
of becoming a member of the Executive Committee of the Rhode 
Island State Anti-Slavery Society, and notwithstanding the insinua- 
tions of Mr. Barstow, we have occasion to know that among the ear- 
liest and most tried and consistent triends of the cause in Rhode Is- 
land, Mr. Dorr is still regarded as having been at least on a par with 
his associates in devotion and fidelity to the cause. That he or they 
were, in all respects, consistent, in the election of 1840, is more than 
•we are able to affirm. 

It was not unnatural that such a man should be an early and un- 
compromising advocate of the free suffrage movement in R. Island, 
scouted and derided as it has been, equally with the Anti-Slavery 
cause, by the leading politicians of the State, and considered as a 
•• farce" undeserving legislative '• notice," up to the hour that the evi- 
tlence of "strong feeling" in its favor had proved it to be •' treason." 
Great efforts have therefore been made to create the impression that 
Mr. Dorr was the ambitious and aspiring agitator of the whole move- 
ment, and that he was bent on placing himself, at all events and at all 
hazards of the public peace, in the gubernatorial chair of Rhode Is- 
land. We have the best authority for saying that " nothing could be 
more untrue. He was never talked of for Governor, until several 
others declined, and then reluctantly allowed his name to be used. 
Perhaps," continues our informant, " there is not a man in the city 
>vhose moral character would stand the test as his has, and he has 
shown himself to be a man of superior abilities. I think God is pre- 
paring him to act no unimportant part in the world. You can hardly 
imagine what mortal hatred exists against him. It is said there are 
many who would shoot him if they had a chance." 

That the Chief Magistracy of Rhode Island should be counted so 
high a prize by a man of the talents and standing in society of Mr. 
Dorr, that he should be willing to run the risk of private assassina- 
tion or of public conviction for high treason, to obtain it, and amid 
scenes of carnage, seems a little paradoxical ; especially when a little 
compliance and compromise of the people's riglits, on his part, would 
secure the favor of the aristocracy, who would be ready to reward 
him with any office in their power. Yet, no less a man than Presi- 
dent Wayland could pen the sentence that follows — •• So dire is the 
lust of office, so blind the rage of political ambition, that I fear there 
are men among us who look at nothing as crime which will put them 
at the head of the strongest." Had he said this of Samuel VV. King, 
the Governor of the Charter Minority, a man enlisted in such a cause 
,11:3 his, and urging it at the expense of. the first principles of Arncricarj 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 37 

Constitutional law — "the basis" (as Washington affirmed) "of our 
political systems," there might have been something more intelligible 
in the statement. As it is, we can only conclude that the President of 
Brown University considers a contest for man's inalienable rights too 
great a " farce" to elicit any " strong feeling," or to prompt to any 
hazardous service — and that " the lust of office" is the only motive 
that could be a sufficient cause of such an effect. It is to be lamented 
greatly that his associations should have been such as to have given 
him no conceptions of the possibility of a higher motive of political 
action in times that try men's souls. 

The great merits of the controversy, we know, are not to be tested 
by minor circumstances like these. But since, (to give another direc- 
tion to the words of President Wayland) ''the movement" [of the 
Charterists] "has been fostered and sustained by a series of most as- 
tonishing falsehoods" — it is but a necessary act of justice that the 
particulars should be known. 

THE CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY. 

The State Officers and Legislature, under the Constitution, having 
been chosen by the people, the first session was held at Providence, 
and the Message of Gov. Dorr was delivered, the 3d of May. The 
document is before us, and it is one which would do honor to any State 
in the Union. Nothing of the kind, or comparable with it for states- 
manship and dignity has ever before emanated from a Governor ot 
Rhode Island. (Seldom indeed, if ever, has any thing deserving the 
name or taking the form of a Message been communicated on the 
opening of their sessions.) It recapitulates the past and recent his- 
tory of the State with great perspicuity, and argues the great princi- 
ples involved with much force and clearness. Its decorous and cour- 
teous bearing towards the Old Charter Governor, the minority As- 
sembly and the opposers of the Constitution, by whom he was wrong- 
fully charged with high treason, while they were the insurgents 
against Constitutional " law and order" themselves, will for ever re- 
main an imperishable monument of his magnanimity, contrasting, as 
it does, with the low vituperation and abuse, with which he was con- 
stantly assailed. The Providence Journal of May 5th is so stupid as 
to deride it, and (fortunately for posterity) describes it as " nothing 
but a patchwork of his own speeches and the articles in the New Age 
on the Sovereignty of the People" — "in the regular style of the Town 
House orators" — the " speeches of Mr. Parmenter," &;c. &c. The 
future readers of the Message will tiierefore have the benefit of the 
Journal's testimony that the so-called " agrarian" and "disorganiz- 
ing" meetings and speeches alluded to, were of the sauie character as 
the Message of Gov. Dorr, of which they can judge for themselves. 

As the State House was held and guarded by the adherents of the 

Old Charter, the People's Legislature peacefully met in a large build- 

ing commonly occupied as a foundry, and the circumstance furnished 

'additional matter of derision in the £tunts of the aristocracy, with 



38 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

whom the apparent connection between mechanical labor and legis- 
lation became fresh proof that popular sovereignty was "farce" and 
" treason" combined ! Legislation in a "foundry .'" What further 
witness did they need, that Dorr was a traitor, that his adherents 
were " a low rabble" — the "fag end of society"* — seeking " a divi- 
sion of property" — ready to " seize upon the government, and sub- 
ject the city to pillage and plunder"')' — impelled by the "lust of 
office" to places of power, through scenes of carnage — that " disor- 
ganization" was their object, " anarchy" their creed, and their watch- 
word " revenge !" 

But what proof did Gov. Dorr, and the People's Legislature, exhi- 
bit, of these tendencies ? Were they found in the following ? 

EXTRACTS FROM GOV. UORr's MESSAGE. 

" Your attention will be required to the force law and Resolutions 
recently adopted by the General Assembly, for the suppression of the 
Constitution. Laws like these, which violate, in some of their pro- 
visions, the well known privileges enjoyed by the subjects of the Brit- 
ish Monarchy, could hardly find favor in the land of Roger Williams. 
These enactments have been regarded by the considerate men among 
our opponents as most impolitic and unjust, and by the people as null 
and void, because conflicting with the paramount provisions of the 
Constitution. — Military preparations have been made by direction of 
the Assembly, and the people have been consequently put on the de- 
fensive. But this is not the age nor the country, in which the will of 

the people can be overawed or defeated by measures like these," * 

****** 

" We are assembled in pursuance of the Constitution, and under a 
sacred obligation to carry its provisions into effect. Knowing the 
spirit which you have manifested throughout this exciting controver- 
sy, the moderate but detemined course which you have pursued, your 
love of order, and respect for all Constitutional laws, and for the 
rights of all other persons, while engaged in the acquisition of your 
own, I hardly need remind you of your duty to cast behind you all in- 
juries and provocations, and leave them to the retributive justice of 
public opinion, which will ultimately appreciate every sincere sacri- 
fice to the cause of truth, of freedom, and of humanity. Entertain, 
ing the deep and earnest consideration that we are engaged in such a 
cause, and conscious of our own imperfections, let us implore the fa- 
vor of that Gracious Providence which guided the steps of our an- 
cestors, upon this our attempt to restore and permanently secure the 
blessings of that well ordered and rational freedom here established by 
the |)atriotic founders of our State. 

"The provisions of the Consfitution relating to the securitj^ of 
the right of sufiVage against fraud, and to the registration of voters, 
will require your immediate action. The State demands of its gov- 

» Vide Providence Journal. t Wavland's Discourse. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 39 

ernment an economical administration of aflliirs, and will justly com- 
plain ot^ any increase of its expenses, at tlie present period. 

" 1 can not more appropriately conclude tiiis communication than 
in the words of the Constitution, which declares that no favor or dis- 
favor ought to be shown toward any man, or party, or society, or re- 
ligious denomination. The laws should be made, not for the good of 
the few, but of the many, and the burdens of the State ought to be 
fairly distributed among its citizens." 

Thomas W. Dori?. 

Providence, R, I. May 3, 184;3. 

Our readers, we can assure them, are now in possession of a fair 
specimen of the tone and temper of the Message. If these extracts 
are not inflammatory, disorganizing, incendiary, and treasonable, the 
Message contains nothing that can be justly obnoxious to those 
charges. 

THE CONTRAST PROSPECTS OF " PILLAGE !" 

Let it be borne in mind, now, that this Message was. delivered by 
Gov. Dorr, under the full and well grounded conviction that he was 
the legally elected Governor of the State, under a Constitution regu- 
larly framed and adopted by a great majority of the people, who, un- 
til now, had been wickedly deprived of their just rights, that the en- 
tire movement on their part and his own, had been an orderly and 
peaceful restoration of those rights — that the action of the old Char- 
ter Assembly was legally and Constitutionally as well as morally null 
and void — that they were a minority of insurgents against the State, 
who had undertaken to put down the People's Constitution and the 
lawful Government by intimidation and force, and thus perpetuate 
their despotic usurpation and the abuses which, up to their April ses- 
sion, they had stubbornly refused either to remove or to abate — that 
he, himself, was the special object of their vindictive hate, that ha 
was at that moment, under their treasonable interdict of treason, for 
no crime or fault but his fidelity to liberty, human rights, the sove- 
reignty of the people, and the fundamental principles and time hon- 
ored maxims of American Constitutional " law and order," as repeat- 
edly expounded by the Washingtons, the JefFersons, the Madisons, 
and all the principal jurists and statesmen of the republic, and as es- 
sentially acted out in the adoption of all our National and State Con- 
stitutions, particularly in the case of Michigan, so recently sanction- 
ed by our Congress and President — let all these considerations be 
borne in mind, and then contrast the Message of Gov. Dorr with the 
language and the actions of his opponents. 

Instead of recommending a retaliatory proclamation and interdict of 
treason, he simply recommends a repeal, by the legitimate authorities, 
of their unauthorized and unjust legislation, a measure rendered ne- 
cessary by the fact that under the recently adopted Constitution, all 
the laws of the Old Charter Assembly remained in force until regu- 
larly repealed by the Constitutional Assembly — (another comment, 
by the bye, upon the allcdgcd revolutionary, and disorganizing, and 



40 THE RIGHTS AND THE VVEONGS 

reckless " movements of the Dorr party.") Instead of exciting to re- 
venge and pillage, lie exliorts tl>e jieople to " cast behind them all in- 
juries and provocations.*' So far from arrogating to himself and his 
party the attributes of infallibility and exclusive right to govern — in- 
stead of branding his opponents with opprobrious epithets, instead of 
deriding them as " the fag end of society," and charging them with 
incendiary designs, he sj)eaks of himself and his associates as "con- 
scious of their own imperfections." Instead of " urging men to pil- 
lage and murder" — instead of hinting at " a division of property" — 
as President Wavland would lead us to infer the leaders of the party 
had done, we have a citation, from the Constitution, of the maxims of 
rigid impartiality, equal legislation, laws for the good of the many, 
not the i'ew, irrespective of sect, association or party — ^^and a fair dis- 
tribution of the State burdens among the citizens. 

WHAT THE AKISTOCRACY MEAN BY "PLUNDER." 

Are these the exhortations and maxims, which, when they fall on 
the ears of a hitherto privileged caste, with whom the monopoly of 
power has come to be regarded as a sacred and inviolable vested 
right, remind them instantly of " pillage and plunder" — a " division 
of property," and " the overthrow of the lawful government ?" 

So it would seem ? For the Editor of the Providence Journal is 
horrified at Gov. Dorr's Message. He sees in it nothing but a harsh 
and grating repetition of the current treason — a new edition of 
"Town House speeches," and of the lectures of " Mr. Parmenter." 
And we know that, in Rhode Island, those speeches and lectures arc 
currently represented as being of the same character described in the 
above extracts from President Wayland. The very words he uses 
are those bandied about the city, as descriptive of those meetings. 
And it has been well remarked of Wayland's Discourse, that its facts 
and principles, its arguments, and even its phrases, are evidently 
taken, at random, from the parlorsxof his city patrons and friends. 

PROOFS OF " pillage" AND "INFIDELITY." 

But perhaps it may be asked whether there was not some radical 
ilefect or startling heresy in the Constitution which had been 
adopted, and which justified the charge of " pillage and plunder" — 
" division of property" — leveling — agrarianism — atheism — infidelity 
— anarchy — insecurity of rights — contempt of " venerable laws and 
usages,"* &;c. «Scc. of which such loud outcry, from the pulpit and the 
press, has been sent forth, over the land. Let us examine. For the 
sake of convenience, in comparing, we will place the paragraphs, (so 
far as we can find them.) recognizing the Divine Government, the 
binding authority of the Divine will, the inalienable tenure of human 
rights, inclXiding the rights of property, &c. side by side, and sec how 
they compare. 

* Vide Dr, T'lckcr's Diicoursc, p, 14, 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 



41 



TII3 SCFFRAGE CONSTITUTION. 

Adopted, Dec. 1841. 
Preamblb. " We the people of the 
State of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, grateful to Almighty God, 
for his blessing vouchsafed to the ' live- 
ly e.vperimeni' of religious and politi- 
cal freedom ' held forth' by our ve7icr- 
atcd ancestors, and earnestly imploring 
the favor of his graciods Providence 
toward this our attempt to secure, vtpon 
a permanent joundation, the advantages 
of well-ordered and rational liberty, and 
to enlarge and transmit to our successors 
the inheritance that we have received, 
do ordain and establish the following 
Constitution, I'or the governmtnt of the 
State." 

" Article I. Declaration of princi- 
ples and rights. 

1. "In the spirit and words of Roger 
WiLLi.AMs, the illustrious founder of 
this State, and of his venerated associ- 
ates, we declare 'that this government 
shall be a democracy, or government of 
the people,' by the 'major consent of the 
same,' ' only' in civil things.' The will 
of the people shall be expressed by rep- 
reisenlatives freely chosen, and return- 
ing at fixed periods to their constitu- 
ents. This Suite shall be, and for ever 
remain, as in the design of its founder, 
sacred to ' soul liberty,' to the rights of 
conscience, to freedom of thought, of 
expression, and action, as hereinafter 
set forth and secured," 



2. " All men are created free and 
equal, and are endowed by their Crea- 
tor with certain natural, inherent, and 
inalienable rights, among which are 
life, liberty, the acquisitio/i of properly, 
and the pursuit of happiness. Govern- 
ment can not create or bestow these 
rights, udiich are the gift of God, but it 
is instituted for the siionger and surer 
defense of the same, that men may safe- 
ly enjoy the rights of life and liberiy, 
and securely possess and transmit ^^rop- 
crtii, and, so far as laws avail, may be 
successful in the pursuit of happinesi;." 

[Unusual, if not unprecedented care 

is here taken (o specify ihe " aequisi- 

firn.," the possession, and the tra'!S}!:is- 

sinn of proprrftf, as among ihc inviola- 

5 



the landholder's constitution. 
Rejected, March 1842. 

Preamble. " We the people of the 
State of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, do ordain and- establish 
this Constitution, for the government 
thereof" 

[Significant brevity ! 

Here is no recognition of God, no 
gratitude expressed for the blessings of 
religious and political freedom — no 
supplication of divine favor on the pre- 
sent undertaking, nor on the future des- 
tinies of the State ] 



" Article I. Declaration of certain 
constitutional rights and principles. In 
order effectually to secure the religious 
and political freedomestablished hereby 
our venerated ancestors, and to preserve 
the same to their posterity, vfe do declare, 
that the inherent, essential and unques- 
tionable rights and principles hereinaf- 
ter mentioned, among others, shall be 
establij^hed, maintained and preserved, 
and shall be of paramount obligation, ia 
all legislative, judicial and executive 
proceedings." 

[No mention of" Roger Williams" ■ 
nor of a "democracy" — nor of " gov- 
ernment of the people"— nor " major 
consent" — nor of "soul liberty." "Cer- 
tain co7islitutional rights" are to be enu- 
merated, and they are to be secured to 
"t/ie 2)osieritii" of " our venerated an- 
cestors'" ! The " posterity" of other peo- 
ple are not mentioned !] 

[In the landholder>' Constitution, we 
have been unable to discover any rc- 
cogniiion of the inherent, inalienable, 
God-given ri2hts of man, or any thing 
that looks like it, unless it be what is 
copied above! There is noth-ing which 
recognizes those rights as " the gift of 
God" — and in strict consistency with 
this, there is nothing denving ihe right, 
of civil government to take them away'. 
—nothing aflirming that the rights ot 
properly, or any other human rights, 
have any higher origin than the per- 
mission of government ! And so the 
boasted conservators of " property"— h 
would seem, after all— could find no 
place, in fieii- Consiilution, to recng- 
ni/c ihc " natural, inhrrpnt, inalicnablr- 



4a 



THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 



ble rights of men, which civil govern- 
ment can not create, or destroy, but on- 
ly protect! Strange anarchists and le- 
velers, these ! Remarkable symptoms 
of "pillage and plunder !"] 



3. " All political power and sove- 
reignty are originally vested in, and, of 
right, belong to the people. All free 
governments are founded in their au- 
thority, ana are established for the 
greatest good of the whole number. 
The People have, therefore, an ina- 
lienable and indefeasible right, in their 
original, sovereign, and unlimited ca- 
pacity, to ordain and institute govern- 
ment, and, in the same capacity, to al- 
ter, reform, or totally change the same, 
whenever their safety or happiness re- 
quires." 

4. " No favor or disfavor ought to be 
shown in legislation, to any man, or 
party, or society, or religious denomi- 
nation. The laws should be made, not 
for the good of the few, but of the ma- 
ny, and the burdens of the State ought 
to be fairly distributed among its citi- 
zens." 



5. " The diffusion of useful know- 
ledge and the cultivation of a sound 

MORALITY, IN THE FEAR OF GOD, being 

of the first importance, in a Republican 
State, and indispensable to the mainten- 
ance of its liberties, it shall be the im- 
perative duty of the Legislature to pro- 
mote the establishment of free schools, 
and to assist in the support of public 
education." 



right" to the " acquisition of property" 
— " to secnre]y possess and transmit pro- 
perty" ! ! ! And how could they, with- 
out a recognition of those inalienable, 
God-given rights, against which they 
were contending 1] 

[The landholders' Constitution con- 
tains no recognition of the sovereignty 
of the people, except what is implied in 
the above Preamble — " We the people," 
etc., and which they could not easily 
avoid using. — This accords with that 
feature of the Constitution, which al- 
most, if not wholly, puts its amendment 
out of the power of the people. And 
very plainly, a recognition of the right 
of the people to make and change their 
government, would have been a relin- 
quishment of their controversy with the 
Constitutionalists.] 

[In the landholders' Constitution we 
find nothing corresponding to the 4th 
section of the Suffrage Constitution — 
opposite.* Perhaps they thought of the 
Old Charter " party"— of " the few" 
that they intended should govern — or 
perhaps they remembered that above 
half the real estate in R. Island would 
have fallen into the hands of the Banks 
before now, had it not been for the 
principles of equality and anti-monopo- 
ly squinted at in the Suffrage Constitu- 
tion, drawn up (peradventure) by the 
" destructive" Thomas W. Dorr, whose 
assertion of the same principles had 
shorn the Banks of their exorbitant 
power.] 

"■Op Education. Section 1. The 
diffusion of knowledge, as well as vir- 
tue, among the people, being essential 
for the preservation of their rights and 
liberties, it shall be the duty of the Gen- 
eral Assembly," etc. etc. 

[Here, instead of the definite and ri- 
gid term "sound morality," which 
might squint significantly at ' te-total-- 
ism,' ' moral relorm,' and other radical 
fanaticisms of the times, we have only 
the graceful and vague term " virtde," 
to which an ancient heathen or a mod- 
ern bacchanalian would not strenuous- 
ly object — and nothing at all is said of 
" THE pear of God," which is the " be- 
ginning of wisdom."] 



♦ Perhaps the clause prohibiting lotteries will be pleaded as an exception, as 
they are notoriously for the benefit of" the few, and not of the many." But this 



."^OF RHODE ISLAND, 43 

A declaration of the People's Constitution concerning religious lib. 
erty is copied, almost or quite verbatim, into the landholder's Consti- 
tution, with only the omission of this very guarded and careful termi» 
nation of the People's, viz. " and that all other religious rights and 
privileges of the people of this State, as now enjoyed, shall remain in- 
violate and inviolable." This was a sufficient guaranty, one would 
think, of all the rights and privileges of the Rev, Dr. Tucker and his 
friends, who were horrified, it seems, at the prospect that, under this 
Constitution, they should become " hewers of wood and drawers of 
water !" How it happened that the landholders omitted this guaranty 
in their Constitution, \Ve are not informed. 

In only one place, in the landholders' Constitution have we discov- 
ered the name of God. And this is in the clause concerning religious 
liberty, as copied from the People's. It was in a position where it 
could not well be omitted — " Whereas, Almighty God hath created the 
mind free," &:c. 

The People's Constitution provided that none but tax payers should 
vote on the question of taxation or expenditures, or hold the office of 
Mayor, Alderman, or Common Council-man in cities. This was co- 
pied, essentially, into the landholders' Constitution. 

It should be remembered that the People's Constitution was framed 
in November, and adopted by the people in December ; whereas the 
landholders' was not framed in Convention till February, and rejected 
by the people in March. So that the landholder's Constitution was 
drawn up and deliberated upon by those who had, no doubt, the Peo- 
ple's Constitution before them, and it is evident that the landholders 
took no small pains, both in shaping and recommending their Con- 
stitution, to make the people believe that the difference between the 
two Constitutions was trifling. The boast that they did this, is con- 
tinued to the present time. 

The differences between them, as above exhibited, therefore, as well 
as in the points previously specified, were not accidental. And the 
variations were not made, without reasons, of some sort. 

A SUPrOSITION, 
^ " Indeed! says the lavnjer, that alters the case!'' 

Suppose now the case reversed. Suppose the landholders had pub- 
lished their Constitution in November, and suppose it had contained 
the same high tone of moral and religious sentiment, and the same 
careful recognition of human rights, including the rights of property 
that now characterizes the Constitution of the suffrage men. Sup- 
pose, next, that the suffrage party, with that Constitution before them, 
(and apparently adopted by 13,944 out of the 23.142 adult male citi- 
zens of Rhode Island) had held their Convention, in February, and 



plea will only show more clearly the unwillingness of the landholder's Conven- 
tion to copy that feature of the People's Constitution which forbids all monopo- 
lies and class legislation, standing, as they do, in this respect, on the same moral 
Isvel with lotteries. 



44 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

drafted a form of a Constitution, which should have differed from the 
former Constitution, just as that of the landholders now differs from 
that of the People ! Dropping (except in one place, where they could 
not well get rid of it,) the very name of the Supreme Being, express- 
ing to Him no gratitude for the past, imploring from Him no direction 
for the present, or protection for the future — striking out " the fear of 
<jrod" from their definition of education — substituting the more in- 
"definite word virtue for the puritanical term " sound morality" — 
blotting out all recognition of original human rights, and particular- 
ly the right of acquiring, possessing, and transmitting property — and 
declining to adopt the guaranty of " a/Z other religious rights and 
privileges of the people of the State, as now enjoyed." 

Suppose all this had been done by the suffrage men, instead of the 
Oharterists ? Suppose they had made great exertions to get their Con- 
stitution adopted, instead of the former one. Suppose too, that hav- 
ing failed in that attempt — having admitted that their Constitution 
was rejected by the People, they should have refused obedience to the 
Government organized under the former Constitution adopted in De- 
cember by the 13,944 citizens ! Suppose they should have taken up 
arms to depose, imprison, and hang the Constitutional officers of the 
State ! 

The problem to be disposed of is — " Who would have been pro- 
nounced the infidels, the levelers, the agrarians, the disorganizers, the 
anarchists, the revolutionists, the insurrectionists, the traitors, theti V 
And if the Waylands, and Vintons, and Tuckers, and Barstows of R. 
Island could have pointed out facts like these, to prove the infidelity, 
and lawlessness, and felonious purposes of " pillage and plunder" 
which they now charge so freely on their opponents, would they not 
be placed before the American public in a much more favorable atti- 
tude to sustain their allegations, than they are at present ? 

A QUESTION OR TWO MORE. 

How is it that our Watchmen on the walls of Zion, are so slow of 
vision to discern the signs of infidelity and lawlessness where they are, 
and so sharp sighted to discover them where they are not 1 Does a 
gift blind the eyes of the wise ? Or shall we set it down as an axiom 
not to be questioned, that, in these latter days, unlike all the ages that 
have preceded it, the " poor of this* world" who were once chosen to 
be " rich in faith," and the " common people" who were wont to hear 
the truth gladly, have, all at once, become the only rebels against that 
just and equitable "law and order" which they themselves most need, 
to protect them from the powerful ? While the mighty, the rich, and 
the noble, the very classes whose robberies, and whose depredations 
upon the " rights of the poor of the people" compelled Moses and the 
prophets, Nehemiah and the reformers, Jesus Christ and his Apostles, 
to confront them with their statutes, their rebukes, their popular agi- 
tations,* and their terrible anathemas,f have become, (with all the 



* Nehemiah v, 17. t Matt, xxiii. and James v. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 45 

characteristics which rciuler it almost impossible for them to enter in- 
to the kingdom of heaven,'*') the only persons capable of understand- 
ing and wielding civil government, and incapable of injustice or op- 
pression — to oppose whom, is treason and disorganization, of course ? 

GATHERINGS OF THE PEOPLE. THE PROVIDENCE PROCESSION^. 

Will it be said that there had been any popular tumults and commo- 
tions that had indicated a propensity to " pillage and plunder?" The 
people, as already stated, has assembled in large masses. When as- 
isembled, had they committed the slightest depredation upon the pro- 
perty, or violence or outrage upon the persons of their fellovv-citizens ? 
Had this been the case, we should hardly expect to hear PresidcHt 
Wayland expressing his impressions that they were not moved by "any 
strong feeling"! That immense Mass Convention, held in Providence, 
April 17th, 1841, that marched throjgh the streets in the presence of 
the astonished merchants and liteiati of the metropolis — the longest 
procession — the mightiest gathering — aye, and the most quiet and or- 
derly one, too, — the least tinctured with signs of intemperance or 
marks of uproarous levity or senseless display, that was ever witnes- 
sed in Rhode Island — what was it, we demand ? And what was there 
about it that appeared like a disposition to commit outrages — to sub- 
ject the citizens to pillage ? Of whom was that procession compo- 
sed ? What their appearance, deportment, character and bearing? 
They were the industrious, hard-handed mechanics of the country 
and city — very many of them were members of churches, as Drs. 
Wayland and Tucker seem to understand — they were the sunburnt 
young farmers, especially the disfranchised younger brothers, arm in 
arm, whose older brotheis, without even the show of an equivalent in 
the form of a mess of potlage, and without any bargain, had monopo- 
lized all their birthright of political freedom. There they were, as in- 
telligent and as law-abiding as their older brothers. There they pre- 
sented themselves, before the city aristocracy, who understood well 
enough their errand. They came to take peaceful and lawful mea- 
sures for securing their rights. They came in their coarse but tidy 
butternut. colored homespun coats and pantaloons — their clean, though 
not exquisitely plaited, shirts — their honest and earnest sober faces 
beaming with intelligence ; — they came, walking the earth erect, with 
their eyes upon the blue heavens, without the suspicion that either 
broadcloth or mahogany, lands or warranty deeds, were necessary to 
make them men — the equals of their own mother's children ! The 
question is not whether Aristocratic Arrogancy had eyes to discover 
any moral sublimity in that mighty and peaceful gathering. It is not 
whether Flippant Foppery could deride it as " a farce," because it 
was not clothed in broadcloth. It is not whether Doctorated Dulness 
could descry in it " any strong feeling" until it transformed an Uni- 
versity into a war barrack. The simple inquiry is, whether the pallid 

* Luke xviii, 23. 



46 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

facB and the downcast eye that characterized the Charterlsts of Pro- 
vidence, that day, was occasioned by the insane and monomaniac 
dread of pillage and plunder, (as though men could seek political pow- 
er for -no other object,) or whether, with all their affected contempt, 
they were overawed with the withering consciousness that they saw 
an injured people preparing to exercise their rights? 

And at those other gatherings of the people, at Newport, in May, 
and at Providence again, in July, 1841, and then, again, the sponta- 
neous escort of Gov. Dorr, on his return from New York, in the spring 
of 1842 — equaling, if not outnumbering all that wealth and artificial 
arrangement could muster, clergymen and all, to grace the triumphal 
procession of the Old Charter Pretender, King — what was there, we 
demand, .that carried the air of disorder, and especially of a disposi- 
tion to pillage ? And who can be made to believe, without evidence, 
that the numerous suffrage men in Providence were willing to burn 
the city of their own residence, in order to revenge upon their bro- 
thers and neighbors, the members of the " same churches" and '•' bu- 
siness firms"* — that they were going to burn the houses, ^rs^, (as the 
representation has it,) and then parcel them out by lot, or otherwise, 
among themselves, afterivards / Is it the reputation of downright in- 
sanity, or of deep and determined hypocrisy that men seek, when they 
scatter abroad such absurd and truthless fabrications^ 

But the procession of Gov. Dorr, we may be reminded, was, in part, 
a procession of armed men — a military escort ! And what then ? 
"Was this an unusual exhibition with the Governors of Rhode Island ? 
Had not the minority Governor King just been parading with his mili- 
tary escort ? Are we to infer the prospect of plunder (as President 
Wayland would, perhaps, insist,) from the horrible fact that the march 
of Gov. Dorr's escort was the march of the dangerous majority 7 Or 
is " plunder" most to be feared from a Governor under Constitutional 
a-estraints ? and administering a Constitution that expressly recog- 
nises the right of property among other human rights? The world 
and posterity will judge how much weight should attach to the unsus- 
tained charges of a projected " pillage and plunder," brought against 
jthe supporters of Constitutional " law and order," by men who must 
needs screen themselves in some way, if possible, from the ignominy 
of having raised a lawless insurrection (as the world and posterity 
will know they have,) against the clearly asserted sovereignty of the 
^People. 

THE TACTICS AND THE TOOLS OF TYRANNY. 

But this is not the first time that the advocates of liberty have been 
truthlessly charged with disorganizing and incendiary designs, and 
represented ready to cut their masters' throats — unless they are 
wronged ! In no other way could popular sovereignty ever be put 
down and kept under. The bugbear iii ^^ pillage and plunder " ever 
9,nd anon, is dressed up for public exhibition whenever " any large 



* Vide i:»r. Tucker. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 47 

immbcr" of the people pr6ss their domands with' " any strong feeling," 
unci when t!ie popular movement (no longer " a farce") *• assumes a 
form that calls for immediate action." Aristocratic " action" in such 
cases is marvelousjy monotonous, and has been, as far hack as human 
history and tradition carries us, " Law and Order" are duly and du- 
tifully declared by the State doctors to be " in danger." Life and 
limb, and (more precious than all) Propeutv, are pronounced inse- 
cure ! And the proof is readily produced ! Here are masses oi' 7nen, 
[horrible !] and vulgar, common men, too, in '-large numbers," who 
exhibit " strong feeling" ! They ask their due share of political pow- 
er ! And would not this be '> plunder" I So the State monopolist 
regards it. They seek a change in t!ie laws, aye, and the power of 
assisting in making them, too. Does not this squint at a '• division 
of property ?" For what other purpose could such men wish to 
change or to make laws? Who, among a monied aristocracy, ever 
heard of any use for laws but to get and make money ? Earthlings 
who never dreamed of any lawful authority but wealth, nor of any 
legislative object but " plunder," become the easy and willing dupes of 
the ambitious anddesigning. The cry of " irillage and 2)limder^' mul- 
tiplies and is re-echoed. The alarm reaches the nursery and the bed- 
chamber. Matronly AfTection is in tears, and Nervous Excitability in 
hysterics. The panic becomes epidemic, and doctors fatten upon fe- 
vers. Guilty Knavery, with its eye on its money-bags, is " in great 
fear where no fear was.^' Cheated Cupidity puts off its coward phiz 
and plucks up courage enough to shoulder a rusty musket rather than 
be robbed of its cankered silver. " Respectability and Standing," 
ever ready to mob down righteous liberty, are alarmed at the prospect 
of a riot, and become the conservators of " la:w and order." Miserly 
Money-Love and Spendthrift Prodigality come into close contact and 
becoming brotherhood, now. Shoulder to shoulder they are paraded 
and "dress to the right" or "left," just as Military Lordliness, with' 
its epaulettes and plumes (strutting in stateliness or prancing prettily,' 
the Grand Marshal of the day,) finds it graceful to give out the word 
of command. 

But all must be done lawfully, and law expositors are not wanting. 
Partisan Pettifoggery, skilled in sophistry and profound in precedent, 
scents a cash client and a fat fee. Its honest shilling it must earn. 
So it puts on its spectacles, and becomes wise. The government that 
Jias reigned, and that does reign, it counts the " lawful government'' of 
course, for possession is nine points of the law, and the tithe, as its 
name denotes, stands for the tenth, and that makes up the tally. So 
its declaration is soon filed, its argument summed up, its verdict record- 
ed. The minority are the sovereign, the majority the subjects. Hoary 
abuse is lawful government, and Constitutional righteousness and liber- 
ty are treason. Stupidity listens, and is satisfied. Fashion espies 
where the " respectability" clusters, and lisps her silken assent. Mam- 
mon calculates the probable effect on the public stocks and the mo- 
hey market. Bloated Wealth, from under its bulkv bales, and Gouty 



43 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Satiety, at Us table, gorged to excess, groan out in sympliony their apo. 
plcctic approbation. SpeciilatioTi, on tiptoe, signifies its horror at 
recklessness and lawlessness, by lending its trustworthy endorsement, 
and hastens on to the exchange or the auction. Sharp-sighted Thrift, 
from behind its counter or at its desk, 'mid delicious dreams of coming 
customers, its decisions turned bv as small a weight of merchandise as 
its own avoirdnpoise balances, arsd its soul eclipsed by a sixpence, finds 
no great diftioulty in deciphering^ the merits of the case on ifs interest:, 
hoard. And Servile Sycophancy, too, but yesterday from the kennel, 
aping its betters, and eager to earn a footing among the right honora- 
bles, ddes the dirty work of alternate aspersion and adulation for which 
it is constitutionally fitted. 

Thus backed and s\ipported, the Reigning Power reads the riot act, 
and commands Popular Sovereignty to disperse. The more timid 
comply, for men who love liberty and know their rights, are not al- 
wa3's solicitous to be massacred or imprisoned, decapitated or hanged. 
But before (under all these embarrassments,) a people can be fully sab- 
jugated by an aristocratic minority, two other things must commonly 
be done — the aid of two other auxiliaries must be secured. Some 
princely despot, and a distant on 3 is to be preferred, with a standing 
army, (that unfailing antidote to freedom,) must be induced to inter- 
fere. From such an armament, no sympathetic yearnings after liber. 
ty and humanity may be feared. Oppression is not more true to it. 
self than is an organized military estalishment to it. The soldier of 
the standing army has become an exile from the family circle, an alien 
to the family of mankind. He has become a machine. He is en- 
slaved, and worse than that — unlike the chattel slave of the plantation, 
he has commonly lost the conception and the appetency of freedom. 

But besides and above all. One thing, more essential than even the 
military despot himself is needed- As all must be done lawfully, so 
all must be done religiously, too. For man will have a religion of 
some sort, nor can he wholly divest himself of the consciousness that 
even in his political acts, he must have the sanction of something that 
he can call, and that is called, a religion. Not least, then, in the bad 
procession, comes Priestly Imposture, in canonicals — with or without 
its surplice, as the fashion ecclesiastical may prescribe. With the 
abused and holy Book of benign but blasphemed Christianity in its 
sacrilegious hands, with its Satanic quotations of Scripture against its 
Author — arraying the letter against the spirit — the symbol against 
the thing signified — it craftily contrives to read " peace and safety" 
to oppressors, and denunciations to the oppressed. It consigns to 
perdition those who refuse to obey man rather than God. It exhorts 
the military minions of despotism to do their foul and bloody work, 
secure of the divine favor. It stands ready to chant its Tc Deums 
and pronounce its apostolical benedictions, whenever the butchery is 
performed, and the subjugation completed. This does the work that 
nothing else earthly could do, and gives (o all other despotic doings 
fheir sanctity and (heir power. Saintly Subtlety, in unity with its 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 49 

Teacher, performs llic pastoral ofl'icc, and whenever the true worship- 
ers assemble toL^ether, comes also among them. Too pious to meddle 
with State matters, save when its help is needed to crush freedom, it 
deprecates the '* dirty waters of politics," and warns the brotherhood 
to stand aloof from them. Securing their confiding promise of neu- 
trality, it steps complacently into the public proces.sion of the oppres- 
sor, on whose side there is power, Pseudo Piety sympathizes with its 
pattern, and with its slippery faith pinned on clerical sleeves, glides 
Irom ttie altar to the armory, exciianges its Bible for a Uiyonet, sur- 
mounts its cannon with a crucifix, and n)umbling its prayers, or thumb- 
ing its rosary, girds itself, secure of priestly indulgence and absolu- 
tion, to the Piiaraoh-like ex|)edition of smottiering in blood " the right 
of the poor of the people" — in the name of the " Prince of Pence" — 
the " Refuge of the oppressed" — and of biu'ying itself in the depths of 
the Red Sea, Infidelity, with ghastly grin, feasts on the prospect, 
and plants itself on either side, or on both — where it can best corrupt 
Freedom or disgrace Christianity, or set thein at suicidal warfare with 
each other. Surrounding communities that ought to snufF oppression 
in the breeze, and read iheir own coming doom in the daily Gazettes, 
are quieted by two twin ambassadors of Tyranny, ever present at 
their cabinets and altars : — these, namely ; Worldly Wisdom, with 
Cain-like countenance, counseling non-interference with other peo- 
ple's concerns; and Spurious Spirituality, dreading contaminatiou 
with the profaneness of politics. Seated between tiiese, Carnal Se- 
curity waves her magic scepter, and cries " peace, peace," when thervi 
is no peace — and so the world slumbers, and wears fetters. 

Thus has liberty been smothered, and Christian Institutions pressed 
into the service of tyianny — thus (with few and brief" exceptions, sup- 
])lying the only breathing seasons of freedom) has religion been dis- 
graced, its author insulted, humanity sufTocated, and human rights 
crushed, fVom the days of Constantine to the present hour, 'i'hus it 
is, and has been, in Europe. And thus it was, and is, in Riiode 
Island. ,, 

Ijr:CAPITULATION. — STA^^D-I'OINT. 

We approach the winding up of tiie drama — or rather, of the Act 
of it that has already been performed. To understand it, we must 
bear in mind the facts we have now ascertained. 

We have seen the just causes of discontent with tije people of Rhode 
Island — their grievances — the long history of their peaceful and pa- 
tient efforts for redress. We have seen the complicated arts resorted 
to, in order to thwart and cheat them out of their liberties, during the 
last two years — the efforts to deceive — to overawe — to intimidate — to 
prevent them from exercising their inalienable and Constitutional 
rights. — We have witnessed, nevertheless, their regular, hiwfut and 
peaceful organization of a (lonstilutional State government — a gov- 
ernment every way superior, in its tnoral character, as well as in its 
aiithorifv, its legality and its order, to (he usurped miiiorily govern- 
7 



50' THE RI&'HTS AND THE WRONGS 

ment, under the Old Charter. We have seen tlie government not 
only organized, but in healthful and appropriate operation, and we 
have witnessed the mildness, the moderation and the magnanimity, as 
well as the equity of its acts. Up to the period now under review, 
May 1842, all was peaceful and quiet in Rhode Isiiind, so far, at least, 
as the action of the majority, the Constitutionalists, was concerned. 
And nothing was wanting but a quiet and orderly acquiescence, on 
the part of the minority, according to their own favorite doctrine of 
" submission to the powers that be." All they had to do was to re- 
spect Constitutional " law and order," and there was nothing to dis- 
turb the public peace. They could not say that any one of their 
rights was invaded. All the change that had been efiected, was the 
guaranty of the same rights to the rest of the community. And what 
more could they ask ? 

They knew, or ought to have known, that it is lawful, and regular, 
and Constitutional, and orderly, according to parchments, as well as 
according to first principles, in America, for the people to change, to 
alter their governments at their pleasure — that this principle was the 
"BASIS of all our political systems" — that for a minority to contro- 
vert that principle, by an armed force, was to attempt a National as 
well as a State revolution. 

And they knew, too — they could not help knowing — that a Consti- 
tutional government had been organized in Rhode Island, and that the 
majority of the people had participated in the act, and were opposed 
to their course, in attempting to thwart their designs. 

But they were unwilling to submit. Such was their " lust of 
power" — and of unjust, unlawful, unconstitutional power too, that ra- 
ther than not possess it, they preferred to light the torch of civil 
war ! This is proved by their early application to President Tyler 
for aid. And the same act proves that they knew the majority of the 
people of Rhode Island were against them, and in favor of the Con- 
stitution. 

AID OF THE SLAVE POWER. 

What could be more congruous and befitting than that the Chak- 
TERiSTS of Rhode Island should seek and obtain the aid of the Slave 
Power, to subdue jvorthern freemen '! Gov. M'Duffie had pre- 
dicted their subjugation, within twenty. five years. Six years out of 
the twenty.five had elapsed. The efforts to extend slave law over 
Massachusetts and Rhode Island — aye, and over New York, loo — had 
failed. What could be done ? Opportunities were not to be disre- 
garded. Sympathetic minds, northern and southern, watched with 
deep interest the progress of things in Rhode Island. Congressional 
speeches in favor of popular subjugation, irrespective of latitude and 
complexion, had not been lost, on northern ears. 

The application was made. It was successful, of course. How 
could it be otherwise? The agents selected for the mission could not 
have been better chosen. One of them was John Whipple, of Provi- 
I'ence, intimately connected with the South, the well known ally of 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 51 

Harrison Gray Otis, in the attempt to prove abolitionists guilty of 
treason against tlie Constitution.* And Gov. Dorr was an abolition- 
ist. It needs no letter-writer from Washington, to tell us how the nego- 
tiation was conducted, and what were the arguments used. All was 
anticipated by popular rumor, at the North, beforehand — confirmed by 
southern Journalists, afterwards. The argument was a short and di- 
re-A one. If popular sovereignty was permitted at the North, the pre- 
celent would be dangerous to the South. If the disfranchised ma- 
jority of Rhode Island could form a Constitution without leave of 
their masters, the disfranchised majority of S. Carolina might do the 
same, and the " peculiar institution" would be overtlirown. The 
northern laborer must therefore be put down, lest the southern labor- 
er should rise.f 

PREsiDE^'T Tyler's decision. 
A letter from President Tyler, to Samuel W. King, who claims to 
be Governor of Rhode Island, under the Charter, was communicated 
to the Charter Assembly in April. It was greeted with joy, and hail- 
ed as an omen of triumph. Gov. Dorr, in his Message of May 3d to 
the Constitutional Assembly, very charitably attributes the tone of 
that letter to " a mistake of the facts." But no efibrts on the part of 
the Constitutionalists could suffice to change his decision. In a sec- 
ond letter addressed " to the Governor of the State of Rhode Island," 
and which was obviously intended, not for the Constitutional Gover- 
nor, but for Samuel W. King, the President maintains substantially 
the groimd previously assumed. This letter is dated May 7. It ac- 
knowledges the receipt of a communication, "transmitting resolutions 
of the Legislature of Rhode Island, informing" the President " that 
there existed in that State ' certain lawless assemblages of a portion 
of the people,' for the purpose of subverting the laws, and overthrowing 
the existing government, and calling upon the Executive to interposo 
the power and authority of the United States, to suppress such in- 
surrectionary and lawless assemblages, and to support the existing 
government and laws, and protect the State from domestic violence. 
President Tyler informs King that his " opinions as to the duties of 
this government to protect the State of Rhode Island remains un- 
changed." He proceeds to say that present appearances do not seen> 
to require immediate action, &:c. &c. But adds — " If any exigency 
of lawless violence shall actually arise, the Executive government of 



* We should be sorry to do any injustice to this gentleman. Since penning' 
the above paragraph, we notice in the papers that Mr. Whipple has resigned his 
seat in the Old Charter Assembly, and withdrawn himself from theeonncils of 
the existing usiiipalion. Perhaps he will make some explanations of liis recent 
position, which will place him in a less unfavorable light." 

+ The Washington correspondent of the New York American says that the 
President was known to have been in favor of the suffrage parly, until the arri- 
val of this Mission fiom the Charterisls. This corroborates. stnmgly our views 
of that Mission. 



52 THE RICaiTS AND THE WR0NG8 

the Unitid States, under the authority of the resokitions of the Legis- 
latiiie, ah-eady submitted, will stand ready io succor the authorities of 
the State, in their tfforts to nnaintain a due respect for the laws." 

GROUNDS OF THIS DECISION. 

In all that has appeared of t!)ese proceedings, nothing has tran- 
spired which would imply that any investigation of the Constitutional 
• rierits of the controversy in R. [sland, or inquiry whether a majority 
of the people had regularly formed a new Constitution, had been had 
or was entertained or contemplated by the Cabinet at VVashington. 
The absence of any such investigation or inquiry is apparent on the 
face of the correspoi.dence. It is taken for granted that Samuel W. 
King, formerly Governor of Rhode Island, is the lawful Governor now, 
though t!ie collision is well known to have taken place upon the rival 
claims of the two contending parties. A more cool and deliberate 
contempt of his Constitutional responsibilities, the President could 
scarcely have exhibited. The Constitution of the United States 
" guaranties to every State in the Union a republican form of govern- 
ment." What if it should appear that the President's oath of office 
required him to support the Constitution of Rhode Island, recently 
adopted, and the Legislature and Governor duly elected under it '\ 
Tliis would certainly be the case, if the people had a right to form 
such a Constitution, without sanction of the Charier Assembly, and if 
as a matter of fact, they had actually done that thing. Why not in- 
quire then, into tliat question, if it be a question, of American Consti- 
tutional law ? And why not inquire into the particulars of the adop- 
tion of the Constitution '.' Why not gather evidence from both par- 
ties ? Why not count the votes, and ascertain whether or no the 
claim of the Constitutionalists was a valid one? Why not refer 
the question to the Supreme Court of the United States? 

How comes it to pass that in the letters of the President to Samuel 
W. King, no allusion whatever is made to any such Constitutional 
question — nor to the question whether the majority of the people of R. 
Island had adopted the new Constitution ? 

The marked timidity, caution, and fear of offending or alarming the 
democracy of the country, which characterises that second letter of 
the President, leaves us no room to doubt that a reference would have 
been had to the merits of the controversy, if the President had exam- 
ined it, and if he had found it safe to have made allusion to that sub- 
ject. Could he have cited the Declaration of Independence, Bills of 
Rights, Constitutions and Constitutional expositio;is of the country, 
in favor of his decisi'^n, uou'd ha have tailed to have done so ? Or if, 
on any good foundation, he had arrived at the conclusion that the 
Constitution had not been adopted by a majority of the people of R. 
Island, would ho not have been forward to say t-o ? And how can we 
help interring, from his silence on these points, that the President 
found no support from Comt tutional law, and understood perfectly 
well, that the controversy he had espoused was against a majority of 
the people of Rhode Island '! 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 53 

But whatever inferences we may draw, one thin^ is certain. The 
President's decision " took the ground that the people of R. Island had 
no right, either by a in;ijority or by the whole, to alter their govern- 
ment, on their own motion, or in any way except by the permission, 
through the ngency, and under the direction and control of the exist- 
ing government." It " had no reference to the question whetlier the 
SuliVage Constitution was or was not adopted by tlie I)ody of the 
people, but solely to the fact, that it was not adopted under license 
from the Charter party." [J. Leavitt, in letter Irom Washington, 
May 3d.] 

THE REAL CAUSE OF IT. 

Does any one inquire into the causes of this very extraordinary de- 
vision of the Piesident ? The answer is easy. Tlie Madisonian, the 
O.licial or Court Gazette of tlie President, at Washington city, tells 
the story. 

From this paper it appears that a great excitement was created at 
the seat of Government, by the affairs of Rhode Island, after the rep- 
resentations made to the Cabinet by the Charter Mission. It is manifest 
(as Mr. Leavitt, who was on the spot, has shown, in the Emancipator) 
that no pains were spared to prevent any Congressional discussion on 
the course of the President. A member of the Senate from Ohio» 
however, Mr. Allen, had questioned the correctness of his position, and 
had endeavored to bring the whole subject into discussion. The Mad- 
isonian immediately denounced him as an abolitionist — declared the 
Free Suffrage movement in Rhode Island an abolition plot — de- 
nounced Gov. Dorr as an abolitionist and his adherents as traitors 
against the country. The following extracts may suffice, as speci- 
mens of its sentiments and language. 

" Let us be watchful ! Let us beware ! If the Government of 
Rhode Island [meaning the Charter party,] is to be overthrown by 
force, the revolution will not stop there. It will sweep, like a hurri- 
cane, TO THE South." 

"Thedoctrine that NUMBERS can CHANGE a CONSTITU- 
TION, without going through the forms of law, would, at once, con- 
vert the numberless BLACKS OF THE SOUTH into voters, who 
could vote down the SOUTHERN STATE GOVERNMENTS at 
their pleasure." 

And so the working-men of the North are explicitly told, by Presi- 
dent Tyler's Official, that " NUMBERS" (i. e. the MAJORITY,) 
must not be permitted to exercise their right, so fully recognised by 
American Constitutional law, to " change the government" — to " in- 
stitute a new government whenever tlieir safety and happiness re- 
quire"* — lest the slaves of the South should follow their example ! 
Verily, the question of American Liberty is no longer a question of 
latitude or ot complexion. 



* Jiiclse Stvjry'ii Cummentarie.s, Vol. I. p. 198. 



54 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Again, said the Madisonian : 

" If Dorr persists in the attempt to subvert the existing laws by 
force of arms, then it can no longer he concealed from the pubHc 
^aze that the whole proceeding is nothing more or less than an aholi- 
Hon movement! Dorr is an abolitionist of the most rabid descriptiorr. 
Allen, from Ohio, the demagogue. Jacobin, destructive, we have rea- 
son to suppose, will be the champion of the northern abolitionists, 
from this time forth. Dorr declared to a mob headed by Vanderpoel 
K«d Cambreleng, that ^ all men were equaV — 'that he was the uncom- 
jiromising advocate of human rights' — that 'a majority of human be- 
ings in any State had a right to alter and abolish the Constitution, at 
any time,'' and fifty other cant phrases of the fanatics." 

And so our Declarations of Independence, Bills of Rights, Consti- 
tutions, Expositions, Commentaries and all, are to be quoted by us 
only on pain of being denounced as demagogues, Jacobins, fanatics, 
by the Official Government paper of the nation ! And the free white 
people of Rhode Island must not be permitted to assert and act out 
thosp declarations of their fathers, lest the " peculiar institution" 
should suffer damage. 

Here we have a specimen of the expedients resorted to, by Presi- 
dent Tyler's Official, to overawe the democracy of the country, and 
especially its delegation in Congress. To contend for white liberty in 
Rhode Island, is to come under the ban of proscription — is to be sub- 
jected to the charge of aholitionism ! Verily, the democracy are re- 
ceiving important lessons from the seat of the National GovernmeDt. 

Here, too, we have the key-note of the tone now held by the pub- 
lic presses of the rounfry, to so great extent, in respect to Gov. Dorr 
and his adherents. In an article published on the receipt of ne\vs 
from Providence, and of the course of Gov. Dorr, the Madisonian 
says : — 

" To all suggestions that the difficulty could be settled amicably. 
Dorr turned a deaf ear. He declared that no oflfers of compromise 
■would be listened to that did not recognise " human rights''' — the right 
of the majority — not only to govern, but to alter and abolish gmiern- 
ments at pleasure. This is the vital principle of the abolitionists. 
3)orris a rank abolitionist, himself. Were this principle established, the 
abolitionists would have a triumph, indeed. They would only have to 
creep through the southern States and take down the names of all the 
blacks over twenty-one years of age, and all the miserable, reckless 
white fanatics — men, who have nothing at stake, and would, at a mo- 
ment's warning, engage in any lawless enterprise that promised booty 
— and then, at a concerted signal, throw up the black flag of insur- 
rection, and proclaim the laws extinct." 

Notice, here, in the first place, the evidence and character of Gov. 
Dorr's treason ! He would "listen to no comproiiiise that did not ac- 
knowledge HUMAN RIGHTS— the right of the majority not only to 
govern, but to alter and abolish governments at pleasure." This 



OF RHODE ISLAND. Oo 

news niuat luive come from the Charterisls of Rliode Island, and it 
agrees with their common tone of sentiment and their habitual deri- 
sion of " the sovereignty of the people." Here, then, the treason is 
described. And what is it ? VVhy. nothing more nor less than a de- 
termination to adhere strictly to the fundamental principles of Ameri- 
can Constitutional law, as laid down in all our Dtclarations, Bills of 
Rights, Constitutions and Constitutional expositions — a simple decla- 
ration of fealty to the doctrines of Washington, .Jefferson, Hamilton, 
Madison, Wilson, Iredell, Rawie, Story, &c. &-c. &c., and expressed 
in almost their identical language ! 

And so it has become treasonable to repeat, with approbation, the 
well known maxims and declarations of American Constitutional law. 
This is it, to rebel against " law and order" ! What and ichose " law 
and order"? we may well demand! Not the established " law and 
order" of the country, most certainly. The Rhode Island Charterisls 
and the southern slavocrats must have set up a " law and order" of 
their own ! 

Notice, next, — this treasonable doctrine of Gov. Dorr and of tho 
American Constitutions, and of all the venerated fathers and eminent 
Constitutional lawyers of the Republic, '• is the vital principle of the 
abolitionists ." Treason, of course ! 

Finally, "were this principle established — "aye ! if the fundamental 
principlesof American Constitutional law were only "established'^?!?) 
American Slavery would assuredlyyaM. [Precious confession !] 

And, therefore, the Constitution of Rhode Island must be put down ! 
A sovereign State — so far as the People are concerned — must be blot, 
ted out of the Republic. So much for the testimony of President Ty- 
ler's Official. 

We will advert, next, to the speech of Mr. Senator Sinmions, of R. 
Island, in the Senate of the United States. This gentleman is report, 
ed as having made a very eloquent and thrilling appeal to the people of 
the South, on the subject. Yes ! the people of the South ! We have 
no copy of the speech before us, but this southern description of it is 
sufficient. Its meaning can not be mistaken. '• You help us put 
down our white slaves — our operatives — and we will help you keep 
down your black slaves." Mr. Simmons is, we believe, extensively 
engaged in the manufacture of cotton. We have it on good authori- 
ty, a letter from Washington, that, in this speech, Mr. Simmons 
" boldly defended the Charter, on all points." 

What further proof do we need ? If any were wanting, it is supplied 
by the late speech of Henry Clay, at Lexington, Kentucky. It was a 
speech against President T3'ler, but he takes occasion to say that he 
approves his course, on the affairs of Rhode Island. And why ? — 
Having described in his way, the movement in Rhode Island, he pro- 
ceeds : 

"And is it contended that the major part [note that! "the major 
TAUT ! "] of this Babel congregation is invested with the right to build 
up, at its plca'^iurc, a new goveriimont ? That as often, and whcn-^ 



56 THE RIGIlta AND THE WRONGS 

ever, society can be drummed up, and thrown into such a shapeless 
niass, the MAJOR PART OF IT may establish another and another 
new government, in endless succession ? * * * 

How such a PRINCIPLE would OPERATE in a CERTAIN SEC 
TION of this Union, with a PECULIAR POPULATION, you will 
readily conce ive.'^ 

ATTEMPT TO REVOLUTIONIZE THE COUNTRY. 

The Constitutional right ot'the people, to change their government^ 
at |)leasure, the right claimed in the Declaration of Independence, anrf 
declared over and over again, in our Constitutions, and Bills of Rights, 
and by all our recognized expositors of Constitutional law, is here ex- 
l)ressly denied to a MAJORITY of the people. And in another par- 
agraph, as already cited, Mr. Clav distinctly admits that ^"an appar. 
ent majority'' voted for the Rhode Island Constitution, and that it 
was as regularly formed cind adopted as the Constitution of Michigan ! 

And this right must be given up — must be crushed by the Federal 
Power, because, if " the principle'' were recognized, the slaves of the 
South could not be kept under ! Northern liberty must be crushed — 
Constitutional rights outlawed — the fundamental " principle" of all 
our American governments must go by the board, lest the ^^ peculiar 
population" of " a certain section of this Union" should become free ! 

THE IMMOLATION OF LIBERTY AND LAW. 

The promise of President Tyler was not forgotten. With the out- 
line of the facts, the reader may be presumed to be acquainted. The 
first scene of the drama is thus epitomized by a late writer i — " The 
march of Federal troops from New York to Newport (R. I.) — from 
" Old Point Comfort" (Virginia) to New York, thus indicating the di- 
rection that would be given to the whole disposable force that is sworn 
to obey the orders of tlie President of the United States : the garrison, 
ing of arsenals, the momentary ardor of the people in support of their 
rights ; the apparent certainty of bloodshed ; the triumph of armed 
force collected and sustained by the public'purse, over the undisciplin- 
ed people; the dispersion of the suffrage forces : the exultation of the 
successful power."* 

It was on the 18th of May, that Gov. Dorr fled from Providence. 
A second scene was opened a few weeks after. Gov. Dorr rallied 
again at Chepachet, one of the interior villages. Thither the forces of 
the insurgents were directed. A second retreat of the Constitutional- 
ists ensued. Governor Dorr fled, the second time, from the State and 
has not returned. His adherents dispersed. The victors had already 
declared the State under martial law. This was continued. A 
military despotism bore sway, the Constitutional government seemed 
overthrown, and nothing deserving the name of a civil government 
could be said to exist. 

* Review of Wayland's Discourse, by a Member of (lie Boston Bar. 



i)V nUODE IS]. AND. 57 

Tin; doubll: puohlem. — a minority triumi'h ; and its ikaltv to 

" LAW AND OUDEli." 

But liow canio it to pass, it may be asked, tiiat tlie inajorily wcro 
overborne by the minority in these military struggles ? This ques- 
tion has been a puzzle to many. The Providence Journal exults un- 
sparingly, and labors unceasingly, to make tlie impression abroad, and 
on the strength ot^ their military demonstrations, that the majority, 
were, in fact against the Constitution and in favor of its successful 
assailants. It was not to the ballot-box returns that the Journal ap- 
pealed, but to (he military array ! It boasted its 4,000 men in arms, 
in contrast with the comparatively small muster of tiio Constitutional- 
ists, and was " satisiied that a majority of the people are not in favor 
of the People's Constitution" ! As much as to tell the people that tho 
war camp, and NO T the ballot-box, was the proper place to settle tho 
question o{ majorities, and to test the legality and validity of Consti. 
tutions ! And yet, an appeal to this only legitimate arena of de- 
cision, on the part of the unsuccessful, they sav is treason ! This 
same gross absurdity lies at the basis of the discourses of Drs. Tucker 
and Wayland. The fact of successful occupancy and possession of 
the physical power of the State, tliat, in their view, settles all quest- 
ions of legality and allegiance ! yet the eifort to oS/am that only le- 
gitimate title to authority, is treasonable! Henry Clay, too, in his 
Lexington s|)eech, exhibits the same political ethics. He demands 
*' who are the people (in Rhode Island) that are to tear uo the whole 
fabric of human society ?" — "Our revolutionary fathers did not tell us 
by WORDS, but they proclaimed it" (i. e. "the right of the People to 
abolish an existing government") " by gallant and noble dei;ds." — 
The plain English of which is — If the people of Rhode Island claim 
sovereignty, let them get it by force of arms, if they can ! Let them 
not quote American Constitutional law — let them not rely on tho 
righteousness of their cause — nor on the majority of their numbers — 
nor on the regularity of their proceedings. This is all mere '■ icorcls." 
When tlieir bloody exploits place the power in their hands, their gov- 
ernment will be legitimate enough, then! 

A " prudent" lesson, truly, to the injured laboring masse?, north- 
ern and southern ! The preachers of this doctrine can not condemn 
those who practice upon it — unless they fail of success — fur that in 
evidently the divinity i!/i^^?/ worship ! — What a lesson of popular vio- 
lence ! VVhat a daring of the people to the bloody conflict ! The suf- 
frage vote of December 1841 goes for nothing, say the Charterists of 
Rhode Island, because the SutiVage army of May and June 1842 did 
not keep tallv with it ! Your votes against us — your arguments — 
your " words" we count only a " farce," unless you will meet us with 
quantum sufficit of bayonets ! 

And these are the Conservaiists of " law and order" are they? 

These are the men tliat dread revolutions and blood ! These are tlio 

men who would have the nation believe that they have all along been 

in favor of conceding to the people their rights, if Ihov would onlv 

8 



58 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

cease from disorder and riot — if they would only do things in " a reg- 
ular and lawful manner ?" 

What are their notions of the legitimate foundation of civil govern- 
ment, and of the proper methods of establishing it, they have signifi- 
cantly told us ! They will recognize no umpire of disputed and rival 
sovereignties but the sioord. So their acts tell us, so their discourses 
and speeches assure us. Their early application to President Tyler, 
for aid, and their fiendish exultations — press-wise and pulpit-wise — on 
their success, their marauding scouts and their thanksgivings, let us 
into their bosoms. We read them, and understand their notions of 
rightful authority, and of" law and order." With such notions, their 
military preparations — their only dependance, would be formidable, 
of course. 

ANAKCHISTS ! WHO ? A PICTURE. 

Now it happened that the so-called anarchists, disorganizers, infi. 
dels, incendiaries, and plunderers, composing the Suffrage party, (the 
leaders and the masses) held precisely opposite views of Constitutional 
*'law and order" — of '• legitimate authority" — of the " lawful mode" of 
establishing civil government, and therefore it was, that they were 
less formidable in the field than at the polls. They had supposed 
that the Declaration of Independence — that the National and State 
Constitutions, with their Bills of Rights, meant something, and meant 
what they said. They had taken it for granted that if a majority of 
the adult male citizens of the S ate framed and adopted a Constitution 
and organized a government on precisely the model of the other 
American Constitutions, by the sa7ne methods, and exactly according to 
the express prescriptions of the Washingtons, the Jeffersons, the Mad- 
isons, the Hamiltons, the Marshalls and the Storys of the republic, 
and if they administered this government on principles of mildness 
and forbearance, impartiality and equity — securing the equal and in- 
alienable rights of all men — why then, they took it for granted, that a 
minority consisting, (as they charitably supposed) of law abiding and 
honest and Christian men, would peacefully submit to the lawful gov- 
ernment, and support it. The tone of Gov. Dorr's message proves 
this. Their own familiarity with the foundation principles of free 
government, and their own reverent attachment to the " law and or- 
der" growing out of them were such that it never seems to have oc- 
curred to them that the professed conservators of " law and order" 
would themselves turn insurrectionists — that the preachers of unqual- 
ified submission to the " powers that be" would shoulder the musket, 
causelessly, to overthrow them — that, in such a cause, the ambassa- 
dors of the Prince of Peace, would be among the first to raise the war- 
whoop, and turn their Universities into soldiers' barracks — that for no 
crime but organizing for the State "a Republican form of govern, 
ment," the President of the United States, in direct violation of his 
oath, would proscribe them, and pledge the Federal forces for their 
overthrow. In one word, they had no idea that there was enough of 
the spirit of anarchy, lawlessness, disorganization, insurrection, athe- 



OF KIIODE ISLAND. 5^ 

ism, murder, despotism, and hatred of righteous liberty, in the State, or 
in the nation, to muster any formidable military opposition to such a 
government, thus established and administered. And therefore, their 
MiLiTAKvr movements and calculations were not made in anticipation 
of such unexpected events. Even after the threatened interference of 
President 'J yler, we are informed, they really believed that two hun- 
dred men would be amply sufficient to keep in subjection all the law- 
less men in Rhode Island, who would arm themselves against the Con- 
stitutional government. 

THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE CASE. 

In this estimate, they greatly erred ; as the facts now prove. They 
had not sufficiently considered that Idolatry — the idolatry of Property 
— (which is identical with atheism) embodies always, and of necessity, 
the elements of murder, and of insurrection against righteous law — 
that Reason as well as Scripture teaches this universal truth — that 
whoever elevates Property above Humanity —matter above spirit, as 
the Rhode Island Ciiarterists have so tenaciously and continuously 
and signally done, will, of course, until the delusion is relinquished, 
sacrifice human life, if need be, on the altar of property. — Thus it must 
be, because, in the nature of the case, it can not be otherwise. To 
suppose an intelligent and determined adherent of the land supremacy 
of Rhode Island, a supremacy of acres over immortal men, is to sup.^ 
pose a determined murderer, of course, whenever the conflicting 
claims of man, and o^ acres, shall come in collision with each other. 
For one of those claims, the one or the other, must yield. And, to say 
that the acres must not yield, is to say that man must '* The fool 
hath said in his heart— no God !" What ne.xt ? " They are corrupt 
and have done abominable works." How is this made manifest? 
They <' shame the counsel of the poor" — for " be that despiseth the 
poor reproaclieth his Maker." Then comes the inevitable result — and 
what is it ! Nothing short of cannibalism I They " have no knowl- 
edge" — " they eat up the people as they eat bread" — they devour hu- 
man beings as coolly, with the same relish, and with as little compunc- 
tion, as they would swallow a dinner ! So God affirms of them,* and 
the testimony is found true. Such a people supply the very materials 
for an army of insurgents. But others are slow of heart to believe 
this, before-hand. And therefore the extent and depth of the spirit of 
murder and lawlessness in Rhode Island was not foreseen by the lawful 
government, nor by the majority of the people. 

Nor did they, in their military calculations, make due allowance 
for the effect, on the suffiage forces, resulting from the general ele- 
ments oti/jefr character, as contrasted with their opponents. They 
were not the men to raise an army out of, or to do service in a civil 
war, when they were enrolled. Why ? Because they had humitn 
hearts left in them ! They had some degree of regard for huraaa 

* Psalm XIV. 



60 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

rights ! or course, they would be tender of human life. These were 
not the men for soldiers. The younger brothers who were disfran- 
chised (by the law admitting only the oldest son)— these had not 
learned the creed of human inferiority to property. Humanity was 
something, in their eyes. For the most part, they would not take the 
lives of their older brothers, to maintain their own riglits. Four or 
five such brothers, in one family, would decline taking arms at all, or 
take them to no purpose — while tire one oldest brother would be 
prompt and firm at his post, ready to sacrifice all his younger brc 
thers, rather than concede their equality with himself! Theorv and 
fact, philosophy and history, agree here. Nothing is more certain, 
than that the war spirit in Rhode Island, commenced first with the 
Charterists, and almost universally pervaded their ranks, while it was 
tardily kindled, slowly infused, and faintly and partially exhibited in 
the ranks of the Constitutionalists. The peace men were, almost ex- 
chisively, among the latter, with the exception (by complaisance) of 
a few rich Quakers, who, we will charitably conclude, were not very 
much infected with the war fever. 

CONFIRMATION. 

The Charterists themselves, furnish us, as already hinted, the data 
for these statements. They admit that they were outvoted on i.he 
landholders' Constitution, and their own figures show 1,553 more 
votes fcr Gov. Dorr than for S. W. King, and 8,G68 votes for the two 
traitors, (as they call them,) Dorr and Carpenter, by the side of 4,864 
for their King. [We will leave the 13,944 suflVage votes for the 
Constitution, in a population of 23,142, out of the estimate, now, to 
give the Charterists the benefit of their own figures.] Here, then, we 
have their account of the parties, as arrayed against each other at the 
POLLS. Now for the military review. Here, the Providence Jour- 
nal, as before quoted, claitiis that the Charterists reckoned " 4,000 
good men and true, in arms," being nearly one-half of the 8,662 vo- 
ters, at the greatest rally ever known at the polls (in 1840), by the 
" freemen" or landocracy of the State ! The forces mustered with 
Gov. Dorr weva derided, as a mere handfull. Never reported to be, 
at the most, over 1 to 2,000, and now believed to have been, in re- 
ality, only about 500. And therefore the Journal " is satisfied that a 
majority of the people are not in favor of the People's Constitution" ! 
It boastfully asks — " Where is the majority ?" It glories in " certain 
heavy pieces of ordnance, which deal out arguments not easy to re- 
sist !" and thinks "the traitor," Gov. Dorr, must now bo "con- 
vinced !" 

So then the Charterists, finding themselves outnumbered at the 
polls, by their own showing, resort to the war-hatchet ! Annoyed 
with troublesome appeals to Constitutional law, from the pen of Ben- 
jamin (Jowell and others, their best "argument" i^ found in •' certain 
heavy pieces of ordnance" ! IC these fail to "convince" the " trai- 
tors" against minority supremacy, thoy have nothing more intellect. 
ual, or !.'M^ abiding, or orderly, to off'.-r ! Tlie controversy, they 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 61 

think, is to be settled in no way but by Idlling their neighbors ! And 
they understand that it is to be a deadly encounter of" iViend against 
friend, brother against brother" — the " Unes of aUenation running 
througli families and firms of business."* Among the men to be 
butchered, are "civil magistrates," " who [say tliey] have sat at our 
tables" — " a considerable number of prolessing Christians," " who 
partake [with their opponents] of the elements of that body which 
was broken and that blood which was shed for our sins !"■{" 

Work, here, for fiends, surely ! Where, and among what class in 
Rhode Island, were they to be mustered ? The Charterists can tell 
us. Out of the 4,500 in arms, they furnished 4,000 themselves ! 
Nearly one-half X of their entire number of voters were on the spot, 
with their death- weapons in their hands ! But of the " bloodthirsty" 
sufiVago men, watching for " plunder," only about 500 could be ral- 
lied — about one ticenty eighth part of their voters ! 

TUE BONE OF CONTENTION. 

Yet the suffrage men were contending for " the blessings of a Con- 
stitution, free suffrage and an equalized representation." which " a 
great majority of the citizens of all parties" desired. [Vide A. C. 
Barstow.] Dr. Tucker adverts to " the anomaly of the e.xisting 
[Charter] government, as the cause of the difficulty — to the " cor- 
rectness of the principle avowed" [by the suffrage men] as the " ob- 
ject'' to be obtained, to wit, the "equality of representation, and the 
EIGHT of sufiVage." — "Petitions," to this effect, he attests, " have 
been often presented and acted upon," which implies that they had 
often been denied! And Dr. Wayland says, "it is universally con- 
ceded that it would have been better if a change in the elective fran- 
chise had been made, many years since." 

Such were the objects of the suffrage men, with their comparatively 
small rally in the war camp. Mighty in numbers — mighty in the 
rectitude of their cause, by the concessions of their enemies. Mighty 
too, in their hold upon the Constitutional law of their country. Weak, 
only, in the rally for civil commotion — for civil war — even in the de. 
fense of the lawful civil government, xind these are the bloodthirsty 
" anarchists !" the "plunderers !'' 

And as for the Charterists — for what did they rally ? In opposition 
to the objects sought by the suffrage men ? Yea? or nay ? — If so, 
they rallied against the admitted right ! If not, for what object did 
they rally ? Was it for the mere love of killing their neighbors ? — 
Or was it because a Constitution establishing the right had been 
framed and adopted without their leave — the leave of the minority — 
which leave they had, for half a century refused ? Either horn of the 



• Rev. Dr. Tucker's Discourse. t Rev. Dr. Waylaud's Discourse. 

t On reflection, it must have been much more than one half. For the 8,66-2 
voters of 1810 included the whole number, of all parties, voting. But niAny of 
them are known to be Constitutionalists, and opposed tu ihe Charterists, in iljeir 
pre!<ent strnggl-?. 



62 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

dilemma presents essentially the same point ! These are the conserv- 
ators of '• law and order !" These are the men jealously careful of 
the "public tranquility, security and peace!" 

ONE rR0BLE3I SOLVED, 

This, then, we assign, as the grand secret of comparative imbecili- 
ty, on the part of the Constitutionalists, in the war camp. That was 
not their place. TAere, they were outof tlieir element. The friends 
of human rights are not forward to take human life. Constitutional 
" law and order" do not eagerly rush to the arena of civil war. The 
injured, after long forbearance, are not as ready to redress, with vio- 
lence, their wrongs, as the wrong doers are to perpetuate and extend 
their injuries in blood. The wor.se than worthlessness of the military 
arm, in such a struggle, is one of the lessons to be learned by the late 
events in Rhode Island. 

INFURIATED RIOTERS ANOTHER PICTURE. 

Take the following illustration, from the testimony of a Charterist, 
who gives, in the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, and N. York Observer, 
an account of the first encounter, at Providence, the 18th of May. 
This is the more to our purpose, as on that occasion, the Charter 
forces were so small, and the circumstances were such, as to give the 
Constitutionalists the advantage over their enemies. Let us sec how 
they availed themselves of their position. 

The writer reveals to us his own sentiments by describing the rank.s 
of Gov. Dorr, as containing '• lazi/ fellows, infuriated by passion and 
liquor,^' &ic., &c., while the Charter forces, under Col. Blodget, were 
" the respectability and worth of the city" Let us see then, how these 
infuriated ci eatures behaved. Here, we shall get a glimpse, no doubt, 
of the worst part of " the Dorr party," in their loorst doings. For 
President VVayland, Dr. Tucker, and others, give us to understand 
that oidy a part of the suffrage men were bad enough to carry mat- 
ters to this extreme of violence. And they boast that one and anoth- 
er, nay, that the large body of the Constitutionalists shrunk back, 
when they saw to what extent the unprincipled and reckless few were 
prepared to carry their violence. Now, then, to our writer. 

"A cannon [lie says,] stood before the door, [of Mr. Anthony's 
house. Gov. Dorr's head-quaiters] loaded to the muzzle with all sorts 
of missiles, and pointed direclly down the road." — " A suffrage man 
came running to them [Blodget's Company] and exclaimed ' Don't 
come this way, you will all be killed.' Col. Blodget took the kind ad- 
vice of his enemy, more careful of his nien than of himself, and ap- 
proached the house from another direction. Having anived at the 
house, a detachment was ordered in, and Gov. King, with the Sheriff 
went over to the house, which was full of men armed with all sorts of 
weapons for close fight. 'I'he suffrage men advised the detachment to 
go out, saying, ' if a gun is fired, you will all be killed.' The citizens 
could not but be conscious that there was too much ground for the de- 
^'laration, for they were inferior in numbers and weapons for so close 



OF RHODE island', G3 

a conflict. Yet they replied, ' We have been ordered here, and shall 
not leave our post until ordered to do so hy our conmiander.' This 
was a most critical hour. When Gov. King and the Sheriff address- 
ed the armed mass outside, declaring that they had come to arrest 
Dorr, and would arrest him if he was (here to be tbund, the cry was, 
' Never ! never !' and muskets were aimed at the windows, but hap- 
pily no triggers were drawn." — "Through all thet^e incidents, there 
is strongly exemphtied the N. England regard for law and life. Men 
could De found plentifully to resolve for what they deemed xiiEiit 
RIGHTS, a considerable number would fake up arms and put themselves 
in battle array, and some would point their guns, but not a man would 
fire. To a certain boundary they could be led, and that was the 
boundary of law." [Journal of Commerce] 

The truth is, they knew that " law" was on their side. Yet they 
forebore. Gov. Dorr, yielding to the importunity of relatives, and de- 
sirous of preventing bloodshed, (well assured that there would be no 
relenting, on the other side.) fled into the country from his pursuers, 
and the armament was disbanded. 

Thrice, then in one day, (like David, with Saul in his hand,) did 
they let their enemies escape, without so much as taking from them 
the skirt of a coat, though they had them in their power. So the 
writer in the .Journal of Commerce, testifies. So we heard, on the 
spot, the same day, from Charterists, themselves. And bi-fore night, 
we heard them derided as fools and as cowards, for their lenity.* 
These are the men who fire now incarcerated in the jails of Rhode Is- 
land, and scattered, by flijiht, over New England. These are the men 
whom President Wayland shamelessly describes as '• ignorant and 
abandoned men, urged to treason by the hopes of glutting their re- 
venge, against those who had been their truest friends, and by the ex- 
pectation of plundering those who, it was supposed, had not strength 
or courage to resist !" 

How lamentable must be the condition of those minds — with what 
terrible visions of conscious wrong doing must they be haunted, who 
can only read signs of" revenge" and indications of "plunder" in 
such men! VVhat can be more manifest than that it was only for 
their rights that they were contending, and that — when it came to 
the dreadful alternative, they would waive even these — for the time be- 
ing, rather than sacrifice the lives of their neighbors! Dr. Wayland 
and his clerical accohnplices, had abundantly taught these nicn the du- 
ty of supporting a lawful civil government by the military force. That 
was all they ever attempted to do, and there appears no sufficient 
reason why their teachers should complain of their putting their own 
precepts in practice, unless that reason be found in the fact that they 
had turned insurrectionists themselves. 

* " The cowardly leader fled," says the Rev. Dr. Tucker, Disc. p. 6.— And so, 

ioJlghtioT liberty is treason ! infidelity! lawlessness — and to flee from murder 
and oppression is " cowardice !" 



64 THE niGIlTS AND Till: AVRO^C;S 

A UfAUVKT.. 

One instance of lenity and inagnnnimity on tlic part of the Charter 
cnmmHnder, King, as an ofTset to tlie preceding, it will be expected 
tliat we should here record, in its place. So much celebrated has it 
been by them, that we may fairly consider il quite remarkable. It 
is this. After the suffrage forces were all dispersed, except 24 men, 
and while their opponents were 600 strong, Mr. King, whose life 
they had repeatedly spared the same day, forebore to massacre the 24 
men to get possession of two guns that he knew would be peacefully 
delivered up, according to stipulation, whenever his forces should be 
•withdrawn and disbanded ; and which was accordingly done. 

SUCCESSFUL INSUKEECTION. 

The attempt of the Constitutional governor, Dorr, in May, to take 
possession of the Arsenal and other State property at Providence, 
which a due regard for "law and order,' would have peacefully deliv- 
ered up to him, was perversely and wickedly tortured into an attempt 
to take possession of the city, and pillage and divide the property of 
the citizens ! On his return to the State, toward the close of June, 
he summoned the Legislature to meet at Chepachet, a village in the 
interior, on the 4th of July, the day to which they had adjourned. No 
pretense of any danger to the citizens of Providence could he made, 
now, and accordingly it was supposed by many, that the rally of a 
few, (in response to the call of Gov. Dorr, by Proclamation,) would 
suffice for the protection of the Legislature. It was not believed that 
4,000 men in the State would causelessly rally against the lawful gov- 
ernment, at a time when the panic about the " pillage" of Providence 
had subsided, and every body knew there had never been a particle of 
foundation for it. Here again, the simplicity of popular honesty and 
innocence failed to anticipate the depth and the inveteracy of aristo- 
cratic hatred against the Sovereignty of the People, and the determin- 
ation, at whatever sacrifice, to perpetuate the minority misrule. The 
event showed their mistake. The war spirit, among the Charterists, 
by all accounts, so far from having disappeared was roused to a per- 
fect phrenzy,t at the prospect of a legislative session of the lawful 
government at Chepachet. So far had they been seduced, step by 
step, from the path of rectitude, that they now seemed given up, of 
God, to fill up the measure of their iniquities, and show what was in 
their hearts. And the opportunity was ofTorded them. The disper- 
sion of the Constitutional authorities by the organized mob of 4,000, 
will stand forever on the page of history, in illustration of their infuri- 
ate lawlessness. 

AN INCIDENT. 

It is related that Gov. Dorr reluctantly consented to a second flight, 
after an interview with his aged father, who had visited his fort, to as- 



* " il/i seemed to look forward to .i brush, [i. e. a battle,] with ptmsurc'.''— 
" Our men were aching far the attack." [Providence Journal, July 1.] 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 65 

sure him that his enemies would overpower him — that his life would 
fall a certain sacrifice, in their hands, and that no benefit to his cause 
could accrue, — using all his powers of parental entreaty and authori- 
ty? to urge his fliglit. It is stated too, that, for this creditable exhibit 
tion of manly feeling, on his part, the venerable gentleman was harsh- 
ly reproached by tlie Charterists, many of whom loudly and openly de- 
clared that he ought to be hanged ! yes, hanged, for thus seeking to 
preserve the life of his dutiful and affectionate son ! This was the 
spirit in which the minority triumph in Rhode Island was achieved. 
Is it to the discredit of fiie majority, that they did not equal it ? And 
have they, therefore, forfeited their rights? Abandoned their Consti- 
tution ? Or nullified or erafeeil their Dectmber vote of 13.944 in its fa- 
vor ? Or renounced their allegiance to Gov. Dorr? Or recognized 
the usurpei-. who has driven him, like an Alfred, a Bruce, or a Wallace, 
into exile ? So stupidity may dream ! Thus Henry Clay may de- 
claim ! iSo, the presiding genius of the Charterist presses in Rhode 
Island may scribble ! Thus, wicked simpletons may sermonize ! But 
TRUTH reigns — and God lives — and his throne stands — and his law is 
unrepealed — and " law and order" will one day, prevail, and be under- 
stood, and honored. Sycophancy and sophistry will hide their heads, 
then. 

OTHER CAUSES OF FAILURE — THE FEDERAL POWER. 

We do not claim for the Constitutionalists that their military inef- 
ficiency was wholly owing to tiieir humanity and love of peace. Oth- 
er considerations had their share. To a great extent they were over- 
awed with the attitude of the general government. A support of the 
State government would bring them into collision with the National. 
A civil war in Rhode island, they had reason to think, would involve 
all the free States, perhaps the whole country. Here was something 
to ponder. However lightly and flippantly the aristocracy could speak 
of such an event, however coolly they might contemplate it, and how. 
ever rashly one half the Charterists in the State might jump into sucli 
a fearful conflict, without a moment's consideration, bayonet in hand, 
the majority of the people, the Constitutionalists, were not the men to 
hazard the national tranquility without reflection. Considerations of 
prudence as well as of philanthropy had weight with them. 

It turns out, now, to be sure, that the promise of Executive aid was 
more in the prospect than in the performance. The meetings of 
'< sympathisers" in New York and elsewhere, with the dreaded symp- 
toms of a discussion in Congress, may have induced a little sober re- 
flection at the Palace. A rupture with the northern democracy might 
be as formidable to Mr. Tyler, as the precedent of popular supremacy 
and emancipation in Rhode Island. From some cause the national 
troops sent to Rhode Island, it is said, were not permitted, by the Pres- 
ident to be used.* He was not convinced that they were needed. It is 

* Some recent developments, it is thought by some, furnish a new solution of 
Pres. Tyler's abandonment of the Charterists. [We say abandonment, for the 
9 



66 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

understood, too, that the Chfirterists are exceedingly dissatisfied with 
their Presidential patron. The Slave Power proves a less potent and 
trustworthy ally than they had supposed, and the President loses, for 
his pains, the votes of the Conserva lists in Rhode Island. One of the 
aids of Gov. King is reported (in the Republican Herald of Aug. 24th,) 
as having declared publicly that " he would put a ball through John 
Tyler's head," if he should visit Rhode Island, as expected ; (a sort of 
language, by the bye, as common as " household words" among the 
boasted defenders of "law and order" in Rhode Island.) And so, 
President Tyler's " Madisonian" discovers that " the Suffrage party 
were more sinned against than sinning." — Thus short lived are com- 
binations of men to work wickedness ! 

But these specific results were not foreseen by the Constitutional, 
ists. The letters of President Tyler to Samuel W. King exerted a 
mighty influence, for the time being. They recognised him as the 
lawful Governor of Rhode Island, and the Charter Assembly as the 
State Legislature ! This gave respectability and consequence, in the 
public eye, to a knot of insurgents that, otherwise, would have been 
regarded with general abhorrence. The Governors of Massachusetts 
and New York (unlike those of Connecticut and New Hampshire, 
and the Legislature of Maine,) took sides with President Tyler, and 
complied with the requisition of the usurper, King, to deliver up Gov. 
Dorr and others, to be tried by the insurrectionists, for treason ! John 
C. Spencer, the Secretary of War, honored the troops of the Charter- 
ists with a public Review ; thus unfurling, as it were, the national flag 
in the camp of the insurgents. Thus bolstered, the monied and landed 
aristocracy, unlike the less wealthy majority, found means to raise the 
<' sinews of war" — money — at least they could afford the risk of ad- 
vancing it, from their own coffers, at a snug interest, in the prospect 
of making the State pay the expenses of their treasonable expedition 

Providence Journal so considers it, and says that, henceforth, the Charterists 
"Will rely on themselves, and not be "deceived by a false reliance on the general 
government."] "We have already mentioned, in a note, the withdrawal of John 
/Whipple, Esq. from the councils of the Charterists. In his card of withdrawal, 
he intimates tnat he was pressed into the service by men who have treacherously 
abandoned him. The exact meaning of this complaint we do not pretend to un- 
derstand. But rumor, perhaps we should say conjecture, furnishes a solution, to 
this effect. Mr. Whipple, it is thought, consented to help the Charterists out of 
their difficultios, and gain the aid of Pres. Tyler, on condition that the "Al- 
gerine law" should be suspended, arrests cease, and measures immediately be 
taken by the Charterists, to give the suffrage men a fair chance with their fel- 
low citizens in a new Convention for framing a free suffrage Constitution. 
Pres. Tyler, it is supposed, pledged his aid on the same implied condition, and 
on the pledge of Mr. Whipple that it should be complied with. But finding that 
the pledge was not likely to be redeemed, Mr. Tyler first, and Mr. Whipple af- 
terwards, gave them up to their folly and their destiny. Whether these are the 
facts, we can net say. But as^nirfewi men, and having in view the object we 
liave attributed to them, (viz. the prevention of a precedent in Rhode Island for 
southern imitation,) this was the best course they could take. But the madness 
of the Rhode Island Charterists seems likely to defeat them. The Rhode Island 
Constitution will probably be sustained. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 67 

against it — of taxing the disfranchized majoriiy to foot the bill for the 
implements of their own butchery ! No " plunder" nor incendiarism 
could be charged on the " respectable" allies of President Tyler, for 
that ! For who but " fanatics" would suspect our slaveliolding Presi- 
dent of patronizing piracy ? Who but they would deem it pillage to 
enslave and butcher the people by the aid of their own money ? And 
could not the example of European Governments, with their Lords 
Bishops, be pleaded as precedent ? 

DIVIDED COUNCILS. 

No wonder that \vbile these scenes were enacting, large masses of the 
Constitutionalists should become disheartened, overawed, or at least 
led to the conclusion tliat still further forbearance, on their part, waa 
better than a bloody conflict under such disadvantages. At an early 
period, before the rally at Providence, the 18th of May, a number of 
the State Officers, under the Constitution, resigned. Several others 
followed, soon after. They stated, in a printed card, over their own 
names, that they did not relinquish their principles nor their aims. 
They still adhered to the Constitution, and affirmed its validity. They 
protested against the course of President Tyler. Yet, rather than 
plunge the country into a civil war, they would, for the present, and in 
hopes of the returning reign of reason, waive the exercise of their 
rights and retire from office. 

The Governor, the Secretary of State, and some others, thought 
proper to retain their stations, at all hazards. An interdict of trea- 
son, to be sure, was hanging over them, as over their fellows, f n- the 
simple act of holding office under the Constitution of the people, and 
by vote of an acknowledged majority, or at least plurality of them. 
Some of them had been arrested and thrust into prison. The Secre- 
tary of State, William H. Smith, had been seized, but was at large, on 
bail, avv^aiting his trial, if the insurgents retained power. A few only, 
at such a crisis, were determined on a war of self-defense. Gov. Dorr 
was reminded by them of his oath to support the Constitution, and 
yielded to their counsels. But the Suffrage newspaper — the Express 
— (unlike the presses of the Charterists,) was for peace. Thus the 
ranks of liberty were divided, while despotism presented an unbroken 
phalanx. 

DESERTIONS — IMPRESS3IENTS, (SzC. 

We would not affirm that the honorable motives we have ascribed 
to the more peaceful among the Constitutionalists, should be conceded 
to all of their number. As in all similar cases, the cause of the peo- 
ple, while it appeared to be a rising cause, attracted sycophants who, in 
the hour of peril, deserted to the enemy, and became the most ferocious 
among the persecutors of their old associates. It is instructive to no- 
tice the encomiums bestowed by the aristocratic writers on all such. 
These are the men after their own hearts, and all their affected love 
of liberty is forgiven, on the very easy condition of active hostility 
against it. 



68 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

There was still another class, to say nothing of the numbers whose 
classification might be difficult. SufTrage men were forcibly impres- 
sed, it is said, into the Charter ranks. Military law was proclaimed, 
on the opening of the Chepachet expedition. Rather than be shot 
down, or imprisoned, or tried for crime, by a jury, not. of their peers, 
but of the ZaTJfZholders — not a few would probably enter the Charter 
ranks ; or, at least, lay down their Constitutional arms, and afterwards 
justify their course to their friends by the best arguments at hand. 

DISADVANTAGKS STRATAGEMS. 

The Charterists could command the well-drilled volunteer compa- 
nies of the cities who had been officered by themselves. The coun. 
try militia, from the same causes, would be chiefly under their con- 
trol. The arms, the arsenals, were wrongfully in their hands. The 
Constitutionalists who came together for self-defense, came sponfane- 
ously, promiscuously, unorganized, unofficered, unprovisioned and mo- 
neyless. This proved them a rabble and made them outlaws — for the 
aristocracy recognise no " law and order" but the law of force and 
the order of patrician supremacy. The operatives in the factories — 
these could not, to any extent, quit their work and lose their wages and 
their places, to enter the army of the Constitutionalists. Loss of 
character with their employers, would be almost as formidable to 
them, with their families, as the loss of life. But their employers 
could parade themselves on the side of oppression without loss and 
without a blush ! The leading clergy stood ready to desecrate the 
temples of Jehovah with paeans to their patriotic daring — and if they 
dragged their unwilling dependants into their train, no cry of" pillage 
and plunder" would annoy them. To plunder the poor of their rights 
was not accounted plunder. What like equality could there be in such 
a struggle of the many against the few ? 

Add to all this, the deceptive rumors, ever and anon set afloat, by 
the designing, at convenient seasons, that the aristocracy had relent- 
ed — that they were about to do justice — to recognize the people's 
rights — that negotiations for that object had been set on foot — or 
that they had been completed. It was a false rumor of this kind that 
contributed to scatter the forces of Gov. Dorr at Providence, the 18th 
of May, and to send back many others to their homes, who were on 
the march to join them. Whenever the Pharaohs of Rhode Island, ei- 
ther in pretense, or conscience-smitten, or panic-stricken, announced 
their design to do justice, the confiding people gave them credit for 
honesty, fled to their tents, and could scarcely believe that the hearts 
of their opponents were again hardened. 

The reader probably understands, by this time, the secret of the 
minority triumph, by force of arms, in Rhode Island. And the story 
is, in many ways, instructive. It shows how the great mass of the 
human family, the world over, are managed and kept under. It 
shows how little physical force can do for liberty, and how little de- 
pendence republicans should place on military defense, against ty- 
ranny. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 69 

" LAW AND order" OF THE CHARTERISTS. 

It was " for law and order" that the aristocracy contended. So 
they said. It was not against liherty — not against free suffrage — that 
they took up arms. Oh no ! It was only in support of " law and 
order." 

True it was — the Mnd of law and order contained in our National 
Declaration of self-evident truths, in our Constitutions, Bills of 
Rights, and Commentaries of Statesmen, Jurists and Theologians, did 
not seem much to their taste. They had discerned nothing but 
symptoms of " pillage and plunder" in all attempts to support these. 
But let them not be too hastily judged. Tastes differ. They 
must have had some heau ideal of " law and order" in their 
own minds. It may be presumed to differ somewhat tVom the " law 
and order" promulgated by " the fag end of society" — by " the off. 
scouring of all things" at a foundry 1 For what could that be but 
*' a farce"? What could its support be but " treason" ? 

The aristocracy have triumphed. Disorganization and anarchy 
have been put down. So they tell us. " The Deliverance of Rhode 
Island" has been celebrated with Thanksgivings. The anthems have 
been sung — the organs played — the " Discourses" preached and 
printed. Aye ! And the garlands of roses, from the lily fingers of 
accomplished beauty, have been showered from the windows of ele- 
gant and carpeted saloons, upon the heads of the valiant victors, as 
they marched along the paved streets. All is now as it should be. 
" Law and order" are enthroned. They reign in Rhode Island. 
And gratulation among the aristocracy of the country, northern and 
southern, political and ecclesiastical, are every where heard. 

We will look in, then, at the picture, and see how it appears. 
What is the law, and what is the order, that displaces the obnoxious 
Constitution of Rhode Island ? 

In the first place, you have the " Algerine law" — commonly so 
called — the law already alluded to — the law forbidding the majority 
of the people, on pains and penalties, to assemble, in obedience to 
God's commands, to "make judges and officers in all their gates, to 
rule the people with just judgment"-^the law making it " a high 
crime and misdemeanor^^ for any man to permit his name to be used 
as a candidate for office, and " TREASON" to accept an office when 
elected by the majority of the people, under their own Constitution ! 

But this was not deemed sufficient without the proclamation of 
martial law, which Judge Blackstone defines to be, no law, but the 
suppression of all laws ! Martial law was accordingly proclaimed. 
And so the suppression of all laws is the " law and order" of the 
Charterists of R. Island ! This agrees perfectly with the tone of the 
Providence Journal, and of Heniy Clay's Speech, as quoted already. 
" Martial law is rigidly enforced," says the Pi-ovidence Journal, of 
July 1. That is, according to Blackstone, the suppression of all law 
is rigidly enforced ! 

And yet, strange to tell ! One of the very gravest charges urged 



■7B THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

(without proof) against Gov, Dorr, by President Wayland, is that he 
intended " to take military possession of the city — to subject this 
whole people to martial law" — and the question, he says, was, " whether 
we shall be governed by Constitutional law, or trampled under foot by 
a lawless soldiery.'' 

The reader will now judge which party it was that proposed the 
peaceful reign of " Constiiational law" and which it was that actually 
" suppressed" all law, and trampled upon the Constitution, by a "lawless 
soldiery." 

Let facts speak. — "Martial law is rigidly enforced" at Warren. 
^< Martial law is strictly enforced" at VVoonsocket. [Providence 
Journal, July 1.] " We have arrested (at Woonsocket) about 60 pri- 
soneis." — " Aaron White has escaped into Massachusetts. His father 
was seized this morning " — " On our way we pressed into our service, 
every ivagon and carriage that we overtook and met, which was done in 
conformity with ORDEllS from HEAD-QUAR TERS " [" Order," 
with a witness !] " The frieixls o^ order (! ? !) greeted us, every where 
with joyfid countenances and spread good things before us." — "We 
think it proper to make a demonstration through the country, and 
may not be back, in some days." [Letter in Providence Journal, 
July 1st.] 

Here we have a specimen of their doings, from their own pens and 
presses. It seems to have been regarded no "pillage and plunder" to 
seize the wagons and horses of unoffending travelers, whoever they 
might be, suffrage men or not, Rhode Islanders or strangers, (for this 
was near the borders of Massachusetts.) " The friends of law and 
order, greeted" the marauders " with joyful countenances" for all this ! 
They siezed whom they thought '* proper" and without civil warrant, 
for all civil law was "suppressed" now. Aaron White was obliged 
to flee from the State. And who is Aaron White ? One of the 
most profound lawyers in Rhode Island — the man whose Constitutional 
argument presented to the State Anti-Slavery Convention of 1836 has 
been admired by the first lawyers in the country. Aaron White, ii is 
to be presumed, could not have failed to see and exhil)it the validity of 
the Rhode Island Constitution. Nothing but an arrest under martial 
law could meet the arguments of such a man. And nothing but flight 
from the State could preserve his freedom. His aged father, it seems, 
fell into the hands of .military " law and order." " Fifteen have been 
committed to our jail" June 29th — says the Journal's Warren corre- 
spondent. 

A citizen of Providence, under date of July 1st, writes an account 
of passing; events to the editor of a New Hampshire paper, the Con- 
cord Herald of Freedom, from which we make a few extracts. 

" Ever since the msmorable 18th of May, the aristocrats of the 
State, and their servile minions, have been busy in preparation, to ef. 
fectually crush Gov. Dorr, and destroy the Government, of which he 
is the lawful and Constitutional head." 

«' On the 26th ult., there was no Sabbath in Rhode Island. All was 



OF RHOD^ ISLAND. 71 

anarchy and confusion. Many of the shops and stores were open, 
and one pious, active professor of reUgion was engaged in public 
trade ! Where are the rides and discipUne of the church ? Set aside 
by ' Martial Law ?' " 

" A deacon of one of the Baptist churches said, in my hearing, when 
speaking of marching to Gov. Dorr's encampment, " wc must go de- 
termined to maiie a clean sweep!'' 

'< But farther — -freedom of speech has been stifled. A free and pub- 
lic expression of opinion upon the great question of impartial liberty^ 
is a crime, to bs punished by Court Martial judges. Take an in- 
stance. Our mutual friend Abel Tanner, in the hearing of a [xirse- 
proud aristocrat, remarked that the Charter Government was a palpa- 
ble despotism, — an usurpation — a tyranny. — ' Stop,' says Mr. Aris- 
tocrat, 'if you indulge in expressions hke those, derogatory to Gov- 
ernment, I shall send for a file of soldiers and have ymi arrested.' 
Many individuals are now confined, within yonder prison walls, 
against whom no other accusation can be preferred than, that at some 
time they have advocated the cause of the oppressed. A mmister of 
the Gospel delivered, a short time since, a discourse embodying his 
views upon the sutFrage question. His words were bulletined, and 
yesterday he was marched through our streets a pinioned captive.* 
But Dk. VVayland, Dk. Cyrus Mason, Dr. Mark Tucker, and 
Parson Vinton can advocate freely and blasphemously, tyranny and 
savage oppression — against such there is no law. Around and ever 
this captive minister, brother ministers and private Christians, stood 
as guards. 

"The Constitutional i-ights of our peaceable, unof ending citizens have 
been repeatedly and outrageously violated. Tueir houses have been 
entered and searched for arms, and of their goods they have been de- 
spoiled." 

" On Monday, the 27th ult., the forces of the Charter party, about 
3,000 strong, were marched, some in direction of Gov. Dorr's en- 
campment, others to Pawtucket and to Woonsocket, others to their 
posts, and the remainder, constituting a majority of the city forces, to 
their homes. On the evening of the same day a Proclamation was is. 
sued by Gov. Dorr, disbanding his troops, and requesting the authori- 
ties of the State to permit them to retire peaceably to their homes. 
Gov. Dorr immediately withdrew, of which movement the landhold. 
ers had abundant and conclusive proof. But they nevertheless, con- 
tinued their march, capturing all who happened to fall in their way — 
sending out scouts, until they approaciied Gov. Dorr's camp. The 

♦ Whether this is the case of Rev. Mr.Wakefielcl, Methodist minister and as- 
sistant Post Master in Cumberland, or whether it is another, we can not say. — 
The Republican Herald, of Aug. 27, contains the particulars of Mr. Wakefield's 
arrest by armed men — the riflins of his wife's bureau drawers, her band-boxes, 
and lodging apartments — Mr. W.'s imprisonment at Providence, with 12 others, 
in a cell 8 feet by 13, etc. etc ! Fit cause of " thanksgivings" by Rev. Dry-. 
Tucker acd Wayland— with sound of " organs !" 



72 THE RIGHTS AND THE VVRONGd 

scouting party being some distance in advance of the main body — 
knowing to their perfect satisfaction that Gov. Dorr had quit, valiant, 
ly stormed the fort, triumphantly entered it, captured some half dozen 
pieces of rusty ordnance, a baggage and provision wagon, a score or 
two of ' murderous^ pikes, a few muskets, some barrels of powder and 
provisions, and a free suffrage banner. Call you not this a glorious 
victory ? Guards were immediately stationed, scouting parties sent 
out, houses searched, and every person, who even squinted towards the 
suffrage cause was arrested. At Woonsocket several persons have 
been captured and triumphantl\ marched into the city. At Pawtuck- 
et blood has been shed — Massachusetts blood too. A guard was on 
the evening of the 27th ult. stationed at the bridge, the dividing line 
between the States, when a gang of boys attempted to pass, but being 
stopped, began to stone the sentinels. A crowd of spectators was 
soon collected, some of whom participated in the affray. The senti- 
nels instead of firing upon those causing the disturbance, fired into 
the crowd of unoffending spectators, killing one man,and wounding 
several others. Thus a wife has been widowed — eight children or- 
phaned, and an immortal soul precipitated into eternity. So far as 
we can learn but two lives have been lost. But who shall estimate the 
countless value of those two ? 

" About two hundred prisoners have been taken, and are during thia 
sultry weather confined in cells not more than ten feet square — 
TWELVE individuals in a cell. At the time announced for their en- 
trance into the city, our streets and public buildings were filled with 
crowds of men and women. As they marched through the square pin- 
ioned and guarded by the 6mue heroes of a bloodless unfought battle 
— shouts were raised — -kerchiefs waved — wreaths and bouquets of 
flowers were showered upon the soldiers. Smiles of demon triumph 
played upon the countenances of pious Christians, and mild, tender 
hearted women.* We had supposed that if humanity had a dwelling 
place upon earth, it was in woman's heart. How mistaken ! Here 
were fathers, husbands, sons and brothers, ruthlessly torn from the 
arms and society of affectionate mothers, wives, sisters and children. 
But in the hearts of the females of Providence they shared not a syra- 
pathising emotion. Not a tear had they to shed for the poor and op- 
pressed. When informed that some of these prisoners would probably 
be shot, the taunting smile and cruel jest plainly told of a hardened 
heart and a seared conscience." 

The following account is copied from the Bay State Democrat, of 
August 24th. 

" Justice in Rhode Island. * No man shall be required to give 
evidence against himself — so says the common law, so says the De- 
claration of Rights, and so says the Constitution of the United States. 
Now for the practice in Rhode Island. During the last month, some 



♦ We have the same facts essentially, in the Charterist papers, set off with 
great airs of gratulation and triumph ! Sad proofs of human depravity ! 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 73 

hundreds of our fellow citizens have been seized without warrant, pre- 
cept or process, or any charge of crime or offense, bound and cast into 
foul and crowded dungeons, without any hope of release until they 
have given an account of themselves, or, in other words, until they 
have made some confessions that shall criminate themselves or their 
friends. Disguise it as they may, these examinations before the 
^Lords Commissioners,' (a tribunal first invented for the punishment 
of the poor Covenanters, under Charles II., now for a time introduced 
into this country,) are neither more nor less than confessions extorted 
by torture, and as such can never be entitled to a moment's consider- 
ation, in any common law court. In this way, the unhappy victims 
are made to criminate not only themselves but otiiers, not present. 
We detest the whole course of proceeding before the < high commis. 
sioners,' as illegal, unconstitutional and inhuman. We attach no 
confidence whatever to confessions thus extorted. We know of one 
instance, at least, wherein an individual against whom evidence was 
endeavored to be found in this way, who, in pity to the sufferings of the 
prisoners, sent them his full permission to tell all the truths which they 
knew, and all the lies which they could invent about him, which might 
afford them any relief." 

The following paragraphs are from a semi-monthly paper, entitled 
*' John the Baptist," edited and published by John Tillinghast, Prov- 
idence, July 8th. 

«« Shocking. — When the prisoners were brought into Providence 
last week, we saw a sight that was shocking to our feelings and stirred 
up our mind more than any thing we had heard or seen. We saw 
among the prisoners a number of professed Christians — i-nany of them 
our familiar acquaintances and friends — a number of Old Baptists, 
Freewill Baptists and Methodists, tied together with ropes and driven 
alono" the street by a band of soldiers, and we saw among the soldiers 
many of our Old Baptist brethren ! We felt horror-stricken when 
we saw Old Baptist brethren with guns and swords, driving Old Bap- 
tist brethren to prison, with their hands tied with ropes ; and they 
were brethren, too, whom we could hardly be made to believe had tak- 
en up arms on either side. On making inquiry into the case, we found 
that these brethren were at meeting last Sabbath, and soon after the 
meeting commenced, before the minister had closed his prayer, a num- 
ber of armed men marched up before the meeting-house, and some 
one cried out, ' A press gang.' This was enough. The meeting was 
frightened into confusion— ^a number of the brethren jumped out of the 
windows — a portion made their escape, some one way and some anoth- 
er. There was a general cry among the women, and in a confused 
state, the meeting was broken up. The brethren ran to the woods. 
While they were dispersing, some one cried out, ' Fire !' which in- 
creased the alarm. Some fled to Massachusetts, some hid in the 
woods, some in barns, and some fled to Dorr's camp. Thus in their 
flight they were scattered. Some were taken prisoners on the way. 
10 



74 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS^ 

On examination it was found that they had not taken up arms on ei- 
ther side, and they were released the next afternoon. * * 

" ' / was sick and in prison, and ye visited me not.' 

" This was the language of our Savior in the description of the 
final judgment, and he made the acts of kindness shown to his breth- 
ren a test of character to tell whether they were suitable for heaven 
or everlasting punishment. 

" Last Sabbath morning we visited the State's prison. Our object 
was to see the prisoners and preach to them, if we could gain permis- 
sion. The thought never entered our mind that we could not have the 
privilege of visiting them, till Sunday morning : but on going to the 
prison we found the gate guarded by an armed man. We requested 
permission to enter and see the prisoners, but he informed us that it was 
Contrary to their regulations. Then we asked if he thought it would 
be objected to by the keeper to let us preach to the prisoners. He 
said such a thing was not allowed. 

" We turned away and walked home, thinking, * How can we obey 
our Savior V But inasmuch as we had shown a willingness to do 
his will, there was no more required. We feel to cast no reflections 
upon the authorities, but state the fact to show that our garments are 
free from guilt in this thing."* 

Things went on swimmingly with the Charterists now. Any 
upstart youngster, who could shoulder a musket and vociferate " law 
and order,'" could sally out, at pleasure, and, accosting, perhaps, one 
of the most venerable and peaceful men in the town or the city, could 
peremptorily ordfer him to shoulder his musket and join the ranks of 
the Charterists. He might be opposed to that party. No matter. That 
was probably the very reason why he was accosted. He might be 
conscienciously opposed to all violence. That made no difference. 
If he demurred, that was proof enough of his " treason." He must 
shoulder his musket, or, as a merciful alternative, he might take hia 
shovel and go and work on the military entrenchment. If he declin- 
ed doing either, he must go to jail, or before the city council. Mus- 
ket, shovel, jail, or city council were the only alternatives for his se- 
lection. 

This is no fancy sketch — no solitary instance— no unusual occur- 
rence. 

Now was the harvest time of" revenge," as well as « pillage/' Old 
grudges, from whatever origin, of years' standing, were raked up, and 
had their summary gratification, now. — " Order reigns in Warsaw," 
said the Russian Autocrat. " Order reigns in Rhode Island," said the 
Charterists. It was like the order of the slave plantation. Any 
Charterist might say or do what he pleased to a Constitutionalist, and 
there was no redress — « no law but the suppression of all laws." 

• The Republican Herald of Aug. 24th, speaks of it as among the "admitted 
facts" that " women have been denied an admittance to see their husbands and 
sons in prison." 



OP BHODE ISLAND. 75 

Lone women were required to reveal the retreat of their husbands 
and brothers. If they demurred or plead ignorance, they were insult, 
ed, threatened, and sometimes, it is said, wounded, with weapons. 

Parties of " lawless soldiery" at Chepachet and elsewhere, select- 
ed what houses they pleased, for their lodging, without leave and with- 
out ceremony — helped themselves or ordered the inmates to wait on 
them — devoured what they liked — knocked about and destroyed the 
furniture — occupied the beds, and left the families to stand up, or 
find accommodations as they could. Thus, at least, testifies common 
report, and if such testimony may be relied on, other insults were 
sometimes offered which we shall not now attempt to record. Those 
who have read human history and know what is human nature, and 
human conduct, where there is ^^no law but the suppression of all law," 
those who mark the profligate tone of the Providence Journal, will need 
no formally drawn or legally attested affidavits to certify them of the 
particulars. If they can boastfully write and print what we have cop- 
ied, it needs no gifted seer to tell us what were their unwritten doings. 
In times when decent, sober, and professedly Christian men can 
speak familiarly of shooting down a suffiage man, and say it would 
be right, we can infer how a band of haii'-brained young soldiers 
would conduct, when removed from restraint. 

Many things we do know. They were too public to be disputed. 
These, by way of specimen. Individuals that had never taken arms, 
were arrested, dragged to prison, or some times before what was call- 
ed the city council, sometimes they would be released, after examin- 
ation, and scarcely could they reach their homes, before they would 
be arrested again, and carried back — for they had no record of acquit- 
tal to show, and any other person that took the fancy — with or without 
a knowledge of the former arrest, and without any warrant, could ar- 
rest the same person over and over again. In some instances they 
were arrested a number of times. 

Let it be carefully noted that it was after and amidst outrages and 
enormities like these — yes ! and in joyous commemoration,of them and 
to celebrate the bravery of these exploits, that the public Thanksgiving 
of July 2Lst, by Proclamation of the Charter authorities, was held, and 
laudatory discourses preached and published by Rev. Doctors Tucker 
and Wayland. This, it seems, is the " law and order" that they sup- 
posed is taught in Romans xiii. 1, and 1 Peter ii. 13. 

FREEDOM OF SPEECH, AND OF THE PRESS. 

One feature of the prevailing " law and order" was too prominent 
and notorious to be mistaken. As it was " the suppression of all 
laws," so it was the suppression of freedom of speech, and of the 
press. Even as early ds the 18th of May, when we passed through 
the State, and spent a day in Providence, we saw enough to convince 
us that worthy and Christian citizens felt themselves safe, only by 
preserving silence. But this was before t!ie complete triumph of 
" law and order," now under review. To speak a word against the 
Charter usurpation, was to be promptly charged with " treason !" 



7C THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

The Express, the organ of the Constitutionalists, though its pre- 
vaiHng voice had been for peace, even to the last, was marked as one 
of the first victims of aristocratic triumph. The watch-word went 
forth that it should stop — and it did stop. As to the mode of the sup- 
pression, there are two accounts. One account was given us by a 
respectable lawyer in Boston, who had just heard it, he said, from one 
of the gentlemen connected with the Express office. His statement 
was, that armed men presented themselves at the entrance to the 
printing office, and demanded that the publication should cease, or 
they would throw the types into the street. Another version is, that 
the landholder, the Charterist, who owned the building, peremptorily 
ordered the printing to cease, and, with a similar threat. Under martial 
law, as wielded by every Charterist against every Constitutionalist, 
this process amounted, in essence, to the same thing, as before related. 
This was early in July. The paper, we believe, has not appeared 
since. 

The Case of Benjamin €owell, Esa., of Providence, furnishes 
another striking illustration in point. Mr. Cowell is a lawyer by pro- 
fession, of highly respectable connections. He is son-in-law to the 
late Hon. Jeremiah B. Howell, Senator in Congress. Being of retired, 
studious and literary habits, and seldom taking any active part in po- 
litics, he had had nothing to do with the suffrage movement, previous 
to the adoption of the Constitution, in December 1841. As an intel- 
ligent and candid looker on, he could not but become convinced of the 
Jact, that a majority of the people had regularly formed and adopted 
a State Constitution. As a law-abiding citizen, he felt in duty bound 
to give in his adhesion to it. Disposed to exercise, as usual, the 
elective franchise, he cast his vote for State officers, under the lawful 
Constitution. We infer that his vote was given for Gov. Dorr, as 
there was no opposing candidate, and such a man as Mr. Cowell 
could not but be sensible that a candidate equally qualified and de- 
serving support, has seldom, if ever, been offered to the voters of 
Rhode Island. The truly republican and Christian features of the 
Constitution appear, likewise, to have made a favorable impression on 
his mind. 

Who (that has not fathomed the depths of aristocratic malignity) 
would have supposed that for no fault but this, the " wealth" of the 
city would have been roused against Mr. Cowell — that his " charac- 
ter" would have been assailed — his "motives aspersed" — and that he 
would have found it necessary to write a pamphlet " in self-defense — 
to vindicate his own reputation ?" Yet such seem to have been the 
facts. And the task was ably performed. In " a Letter," addressed 
" to the Hon. Samuel W. King, late Governor of Rhode Island," 
some time in May, Mr. Cowell grappled with the great Constitutional 
question involved, with a masterly hand, and in a truly dignified and 
manly tone. 

But did this heal the breach, or appease aristocratic anger ? Far 
otherwise. True, he had expressed his doubts of the " expediency of 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 77 

the suffrage movements," but he had successfully vindicated their 
" legality." This was touching the sore in the tender spot. For the 
argument could not he answered. If it could have been, we should 
have found some of the John Whipples, the legal advisers of the Char- 
terists, (or some of tlieir chaplains, the VVaylands, the Tuckers and 
the Vintons.) coming to their rescue. 

But what was lacking in the argument was made up by martial 
law ! Mr. Cowell had proved the Constitution to be legally valid and 
binding. The resort of its opponents was " the suppression of all 
laws" — their revenge for so foul a crime as the vindication of Con- 
stitutional law, was to make him an outlaw. The "law and order" 
so piously celebrated by Sermons and Thanksgivings, found out how 
to dispose of Mr. Cowell. He had never consented, so far as we 
know, to stand as a candidate for office, under the Constitution — he 
had never accepted office under it — and so "the Algerine law" had 
not sufficient terrors for him. He had never taken up arms, and 
could not, on this, or any other account, be arrested for treason, unless 
all law was suppressed ! But when this consummation was reached, 
Mr. Cowell was made to understand his position. The Letter to Ex- 
Governor King was considered by some of his opponents to be trea- 
sonable. They said they would have him arrested, and so he fled 
from the State to escape from them ! 

MISCELLANEOUS ITEMS. 

At Bristol, the house of a Charterist was entered, through mistake, 
by the " law and order" patrol, and in the absence of the owner, who 
was supposed to have been a Constitutionalist, his lady was required 
to produce the keys of his bureau, which was done, and they rum- 
maged the contents at their leisure. On a discovery, afterwards, of 
their mistake, in assaulting a " law and order man," they made an 
apology for their rudeness. \ 

Old and highly respectable farmers, on the Island, could not market 
their commodities in Newport, without encountering indignities and 
abuse, and danger of arrest. They, therefore, changed their market 
town to New Bedford, Massachusetts. 

Two meals a day, of coarse fare, were allowed the prisoners at Pro- 
vidence and Newport. At the latter place, the friends of the prison- 
ers were, in one instance, at least, denied, for a time, the privilege of 
handing their fi lends an additional supply. 

Strangers, from other States, were often suspected, insulted and 
threatened — in some cases arrested, without cause. The case of Mr. 
Hoskins, of N. Hampshire, imprisoned at Providence, has excited the 
public attention. — We have just heard of another case, in which a 
citizen of Qentral New York, (as is stated,) was arrested at Newport, 
for no crime but boarding with a suffrage man, which brought him 
under suspicion. He was imprisoned — released — insulted again — and 
after many vexations, chiefly from this cause, (being a man of nerv- 
ous temperament.) escaped from his persecutors by suicide. Our in- 
formant, a worthv and well known citizen of our own neighborhood, 



7'9 THE RIGHTS ^ND THE WRONGS 

a deacon of a Presbyterian church, just returned from a visit to R. 
Island, was likewise threatened him'^elf, and was often cautioned 
against expressing his opinions, too freely. 

A Baptist minister, near Newport, having offended "law and or^ 
der," by preaching in favor of peace, found his house invaded by six 
men with bayonets — was arrested — marched to head-quarters — re- 
leased — arrested by others again — marched away — and again re- 
leased. Whether arrested a third time, we are not certain. 

" LAW AND order" CANONIZED. 

Turn now to the Thanksgiving Sermon of the Rev. Dr. Tucker, de- 
livered July 21st, in the midst of these scenes, and in triumphant and 
laudatory and grateful commemoration of them ! At a time when the 
marching and countermarching of his own eulogized soldiers on the 
Sabbath, their lawless and riotous breaking up of public worship, and 
their arrest of the worshipers on that day, without even the forms of 
Jaw, were regarded as matters of course ; when churches, (according 
to some accounts,) as well as the University, were converted by them 
into soldiers' barracks, observe the language of the preacher. Wit- 
ness his affected zeal for the Sabbath, (p. 12,) and his attempt to cast 
odium on the suffrage men, because somebody, in no way connected 
with them, and in another State, had written against the divine autho- 
rity of the Sabbath ! And hear him add, " Let us bless God, to-day, 
that we are tinder WHOLESOME LAWS, that OUR ALTARS 
have NOT BEEN POLLUTED" ! 

We must not fail to contrast the "law and order" reigning in R. 
Island, and celebrated by Drs. Tucker and Wayland, with that guar- 
antied to all American citizens by the Constitution of the U. States — 
the paramount law of the land : securing, as it does, " the right of 
the people to keep and have arms"""*" — " the right of the people to be 
secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against all 
unreasonable searches and seizures." Compare these Constitu- 
tional guaranties with the lawless riots of the Charterists of Rhode 
Island — then hear them proclaim a Thanksgiving, and see them as- 
semble, with their high priest. President" Wayland, at their head. 
Hear him read homilies on the danger of anarchy, and the blessings 
of government. And hear him say — 

"The proclamation which has invited us to set apart this day for 
the purposes of grateful acknowledgment, was but the utterance of 
that feeling which pervaded every spirit. I give thanks unto God, that 
it is so. It is becoming a people loving JUSTICE, and hating 
WRONG ! It is meet that, after RISING AS ONE MAN, [note, 
here, the endorsement of the Doctor to the UNITY of the move- 
ment !] to vindicate the claims of liberty and LAW ! [in what man- 
ner, the preceding statements of facts show !] to defend our country 

♦ The " searches and seizures" were commonly made under pretense of 
searching for arms, which, when found, as in a few cases, (fowling pieces, etc.) 
they were taken away, of course. 



OF IIIIODE ISliAND. 79 

from ajiarchy, and our hearths from violation, we sfjonld first, and 
above all, render the praise of our deliverance unto God." 

'■ CLAM-BAKES." 

Nothing is more notorious than that, during the period under con- 
sideration, no public meeting for political objects could be held, how- 
ever peacefully, by any citizens, except Charterists, in Rhode Island. 

In order to enjoy that privilege, a " clambake" or pic-nic party, of 
ladies and gentlemen, was held down the river, near the oyster and 
clam beds, on the Massaclmsetts side ! The same " Republican Her- 
ald" (of Aug. 10,) that contained the Charter Governor King's sus 
pension (under date of Aug. 8,) for 23 days, of the martial law, pro- 
claimed June 25th, adventured to publish, likewise, the resolutions 
adopted at this gathering of Rhode Islanders in Massachusetts, very 
prudently suppressing the names, which, it may be inferred, the par- 
ties concerned did not think it prudent to give. Yet the resolutiona 
would do honor to any citizens of a free nation. 

PRETEXTS. 

From the Republican Herald, evidently cautious and prudent, as it 
is,* we glean many curious particulars. One way in which <' Law 
and Order" contrived to find a pretext for its despotism, and its bar- 
barity, was to keep up mock excitements about pretended attempts to 
fire the city, too ridiculous to impose upon sane minds. Nero, it is 
said, could not consummate his bloody designs against the Christians, 
till he had made the ignorant believe that they had attempted to burn 
the city. 

ANOTHER PROPOSED CONSTITUTIOTJ ! — THE " REGULAR MODe'*^ OF 
FORMING IT ! 

Hundreds of citizens were under arrest, or in prison — others 'on 
bail. A much larger number, it is believed, were scattered in other 
States, and some of them, including the lawful Governor, for some 
time in a state of concealment. 

Such a state of things, it appears, was the very best time for " Law 
and Order" to give the State a new Constitution to its own liking, in- 
stead of the hated Constitution of the People. The vote of the Char* 
ter Assembly, for the call, was passed, if we mistake not, at the June 
session. Care was taken, of course, that the apportionment of dele- 
gation to the Convention should partake of the time honored inequaU 
ity, so essential to minority supremacy. With this advantage in their 
favor, aided by " Algerine" and martial law, with the leaders of the 



* After the suppression of the " Express," the " Republican Herald" began to 
publish some of the passing occurrences, but soon after announced that it had 
been taught that " the truth was not to be spoken at all times." It declined pub- 
lishing the particulars of outrages committed by the Charterists, during the reiga 
of the ruling dynasty. A leading citizen declared that " the paper was filled 
with treason, — that the types ought to be thrown out of the windows," adding 
"he would be one to help do it!" 



80 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

Constitutionalists in prison or in exile, and with the dread of arrest 
hanging over the remainder,* they could afford to call a Convention 
of the People — and magnanimously win the applause of pseudo-abO' 
litionists by permitting their colored domestics to vote with them !f 
Some significant queri es in the Republican Herald, of July 23d, we 
subjoin. 

'• Does not the Governor and Councitof this State, at the present timer 
hold a power above all law ? 

'' If that be true, do we not live under an absolute despotism ? 

" is it intended by the absolute Government of Rhode Island, to con- 
tinue the martial law until after the next election — thereby compelling 
men to vote with the fear of violating laws they do not know or under • 
stand 1 

" Dare nien assemble for peaceable purposes ? 

" Dare the People assemble and ash their Rulers how long this arbi- 
trary government is to last ? 

" Dare the People meet to memorialize Congress on the present state 
of things ? 

•' Will they do it 1 

" Dare the People meet to appoint committees for the various pur- 
poses required in the approaching election ? 

" Will it be attempted ?" 

The tone of response to these queries, in subsequent numbers of the 
Herald, the hints of the Editor, and the resolutions of the R. Island 
*' clam-bake" in Massachusetts, made " the farce" of the Convention 
movement, under martial law, too glaring, even to the eyes of tho 
Charterists themselves. But the suspension of martial law for only 
23 days, barely including the time to choose delegates, with the ter- 
ror of its return hanging over them — with the " Algerine law" still 
in force, and with the best citizens of the State in exile for the crime 
of writing and voting, and while new arrests were taking place, made 
the suspension as farcical as the measures that had preceded it. The 
suffrage men in Rhode Island wisely determined to have nothing to do 
with the Convention, nor with the choice of delegates to attend it. 
"Why should they, under such disadvantages, and suffering such in- 
sults? And while they knew they had a republican Constitution, 
lawfully, peacefully and equitably framed and adopted by the people 
themselves ?:}: 



* Said a French Colonel at the head of his regiment — " I would not, for the 
■world, interfere with the freedom of elections. But I give you distinctly to un- 
derstand, that the soldier who willnot vote for General Bonaparte to befirstCon- 
sul, shall be shot !" 

t Yet the Charter Mayor of Providence, it is said, has since refused the use of 
the Old Town House, for a colored man to celebrate the glorious^rs^ of August, 
Colored men may support despotism, but not liberty ! 

t We see in the Republican Herald of Aug. 20lh, a notice of another " Clam- 
bake" of the " friends of equal rights," to be held at " Medbury's Grove," in 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 81 

TRAITS OP TYRANTS. 

President Wayland is ready to " blush" at the thought that leading 
men among the Charterists have been " denounced as tyrants and 
oppressors !" Bat by what works and characteristics shall tyrants 
and oppressors be known ? Let us listen again to Dr. Emmons. 

<' Good rulers, who sincerely desire to promote the public good, have 
nothing to fear from the voice of the people, and consequently, have 
no disposition to stifle it. But all bad rulers are AFRAID of the 
voice of the people, and wish to deprive them of freedom of speech, 
lest they should remonstrate against their ambitious and nefarious 
DESIGNS. It has always been the policy of despotic rulers to sup- 
press the liberty of speech, on politrcal subjects." " Those rulers, 

therefore, who endeavor to destroy the liberty of speech on political 
subjects, plainly discover a tyrannical spirit, and give the people just 
ground to fear that they are actually seeking to strip them of all their 
rights, and subject them to ABSOLUTE SLAVERY. They may 
attempt to destroy the right of remonstrance, or restrain liberty of 
speech respecting the public measures of public men, by sophistry, ar- 
tifice or threats. They may artfully insinuate, that if the people pri- 
vately complain or publicly remonstrate, they manifest disaffection, 
disrespect and disobedience, towards those whom they ought to ea-- 
teem, revere and obey. If this sophistry fail of answering their pur- 
pose, they may throw out terrible threats, and positively declare that 
all complaints and remonstrances are the high crimes of treason and 

rebellion." "This language ought to be alarming to a people in a 

free government, and put them on their guard against those who 
would seduce or awe them into silence."* 

EmniGns' Sermons, Vol. II. pp. 270, 271 . 

Massachusetts, Aug. 30th, which contains the following " ultra" and " fanatical" 
regulation. " No intoxicating drinks will be allowed on the grounds," The 
wine-drinking aristocracy will doubtless read fresh proofs of anarchy and infi- 
delity in the movement. 

♦ In quoting so frequently from Dr. Emmons, we would not be understood as 
endorsing all his political opinions. Perhaps he was not, in all respects, self- 
consistent, in his honest and generally successful efforts, to guard against des- 
potic power and against anarchy. These he seems to have regarded as opposite 
extremes, rather than as diiferent forms, and incidentally diverse developments of 
the same thing: namely, a disregard of inalienable human rights, whether by the 
many or by the few. With his view, which is the commonly prevalent one, it 
was not strange that Dr. Emmons, in company with many of his times, should 
incline to the theory of " a mixed government," of which so much was then said 
by the admirers of the British Constitution, which our fathers had been accus- 
tomed to look upon, as the palladium of their liberties — their safe-guard against 
despotic encroachment. The atheism and the anarchy, (or, to speak quite as pre- 
perly, the despotism,) of the French Revolutionists, whose leaven had begun to 
spread, more or less, in this country, and who never understood true Christian 
democracy, inclined such men as Dr. Emmons to throw the weight of their in- 
fluence on the other side of what they considered the i«te«ce between the twoe.x- 
tremes ; to look with a sort of reluctant suspicion on absolute pupular sove- 
reignty ; to imagine that, somewhere in the political system, there must be pla- 
ced a check upon its exercise; and consequently to regard unmixed democracy 
11 



82 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

The next time President Wayland feels inclined to " blush," it is 
to be hoped that it will be in view of the despotic and barbarous atid 
lawless acts to which he has lent his countenance and sanction. 

In contrast with the sentiments of Dr. Emmons, it may be well to 
present those of Rev. Dr. Tucker, in his Thanksgiving Sermon, at 
Providence, July 21st, entitled " the Deliverance of Rhode Island." 
After naming three writers, neither of whom are residents in Rhode Is- 
land, and stating that one of them, '' more reckless than the rest," had 
" called the constituted authorities* of R. Island tyrants and usurp- 
ers," he adds : — 

" These are living men, and what must be the state of. mcwals and 
public sentiment, when they unblushingly and without prosecution, 
erect their batteries against all that is sacred," &c. &;c. 

And again—" It is now acknowledged that it was a capital mistake 
lo suffer these men (meaning the Constitutionalists) to forestall the 
public mind." [Discourse, p. 14.] 

Yes ! Strange to tell ! Those who call the Charterists of Rhode 
Island " usurpers and tyrants," are " living men" — they have neither 
been shot nor hanged! And they go without ^'prosecution," too? 
Fresh proofs of declining "morals," and vitiated "public sentiment." 
But then they " live" out of Rhode Island — where " law and order," 
after the model of Drs. Wayland and Tucker," and with the sanc- 
tion of Pres. Tyler, and his Secretary of War, have not yet been es- 
tablished ! 

" Law and Order" made « a capital mistake," doubtless, in not 
putting on the screws, sooner, before " the public mind" had become 
so much infected with the heresy of the " Dorr party," as to let the 
reprovers of Samuel W. King and William Blodgett go unprosecuted 
and unhanged ! 

THE CONTRAST AGAIN. 

In sober earnest. Let the reader contrast the course of the " law 
and order" party, as they boastfully call themselves, with that of the 
men whom they would represent as disorganizing, ferocious and law- 
less. When did the Constitutionalists, the really "constituted autho- 
rities of Rhode Island" betray any propensity — any desire to suppress 
freedom of speech — to put down by prosecution and by threats, their 

as the natural ally of disorder. — It is manifest that quotations in favor of popular 
sovereignty, from the writings of such a man, one of the moral and intellectual 
giants of his day, come to us with the double weignt of authokity and of con- 
cession. Such men, were they now on the stage of action, would regard with 
double horror and disgust, the despotic anarchists who wield " the suppression of 
all law" in Rhode Island. Both the apparent extremes, against which such men 
as Dr. Emmons labored, unite signally and visibly in the Charterists, proving 
the unity of despotism and anarchy, in fact, as well as in philosophy. 

* The Doctor made a trifling mistake here. It was not the "constituted," 
but the iwjconstituted authorities that were thus described. It is the Doctor and 
his friends that traduce the " constituted" authorities, and wage Avar against the 
Constitution itself! 



OP RHODE ISLAND, 33 

political opponents — insurgents against the lawful government though 
they were ? Read the Message of Gov. Dorr, and examine the acts of 
the Constitutional Legislature. Contrast them with the language of 
J)r. Tucker. And when, at length, in self-defense, and to gain pos- 
session of tlie public archives, lawlessly withheld from thera, a few of 
them took up aims — and when their enemies were in the!r hands, 
compare their lenity and forbearance with the ruthless rigor and bar- 
barism of their opponents. 

It would indeed be strange, if, in times of public commotion, howev- 
er produced, there should not be some lawless men, on both sides, and 
wanton outrages committed, by way of retaliation and otherwise, by the 
party on whose side might be the right of the controversy, (and the 
majority,) as well as by the original aggressors. And this is among 
the many reasons why public disputes should not be tested by milita- 
ry violence, which is indeed outrage, of itself. But the Charter pa- 
pers, themselves,' bear sufficient testimony to the comparative mode- 
ration of their opponents. The eagerness with which the arrest of 
three or four Charterist spies was magnified into a terrible outrage, 
and the prominence given to the story that an active Constitutionalist 
had been guilty of an attempt at highway robbery, when the imputed 
offense, real or unreal, was committed after his desertion from the 
Constitutionalists, and while he was in the employ of the Charterists 
themselves — these and similar exhibitions of effort to make something 
terrific out of almost nothing at all, when placed by the side of such 
details as have now been presented, are among the most eloquent at- 
testations of the general sobriety, order and peacefulness of the Con- 
stitutionalists. Had they committed many outrages, such as were 
common with the Charterists, there would have been no occasion to 
manufacture or dress up the silly stories that have been put into cir- 
culation. 

But the direct tendency of despotism, on the part of the few, is to 
produce ferocity, on the part of the many. And if such results had 
been, or should yet be, witnessed in Rhode Island, all men of reflec- 
tion and candor will understand where the principal responsibility 
properly rests. 

ARISTOCRATIC ARTIFICE. 

Tiie aristocracy, whose injustice occasions public commotions, are 
ever ready to seize upon and proclaim the fact of their existence, even 
when the outrages are committed chiefly or wholly by themselves, and 
to urge their existence as a reason why a '« stronger government" 
should be established. The editorial fomenters of the great riots 
against the abolitionists in 1834-5 in New York City and elsewhere, 
very gravely discussed in their papers, afterwards, the evils of popu- 
lar commotions, and craftily threw out intimations that a popular gov- 
ernment would not, perhaps, be found sufficiently energetic to protect 
property in the cities from riotous outrage ! We were looking for 
similar developments in Rhode Island, and have not been disappoint- 
ed. We have it on good authority, that not a few of tlie Charterists 



84 THE RIOHTS AND THE WRONGS 

in Rhode Island whose insurrectionary movements against the consti- 
tuted authorities have embroiled the State, are very free to confess 
(poor souls !) that their confidence in democratic institutions is much 
shaken, (? ! ?) and that they are compelled to suspect that nothing 
short of a monarchical government will be able, much longer, :to pre- 
serve " law and order !" 

CONNECTION BETWEEN POLITICS AND RELIGION. 

Such is the history of the subversion of civil liberty in Rhode Is. 
land. Those who look after the moral causes of political revolutions, 
wno understand that liberty is based on public morals, and that the 
morals of a people are dependent on their religion — will naturally in- 
quire into the religious character of a people where such phenomena 
have been witnessed. Especially will they desire to know, (unless the 
facts of the history have sufficiently revealed it,) what is the prevail- 
ing religion of the wealthier classes — those who have so long wielded 
the power of the State, and who are now making such remarkable ef- 
forts to retain it. What sort of religious teachers do they patronize? 
And what has been their position and influence amid such, demonstra- 
tions as have been witnessed ? 

If there be any one truth which more than any other, has been as- 
certained by experiment, and in respect to which, all reflecting read- 
ers of this world's history are agreed — it is perhaps, this : — That the 
political condition of a people can never rise higher than that indicat. 
ed by the character of their current religion — that the one is the never 
failing index of the other. When a people enjoy rational freedom, it 
is because, in some good degree, their leading men have been brought 
under the influence of the ethics of a pure religion. And when on 
the other hand, their liberties are lost, it is because their religion, first, 
and their morals, next, have become corrupted, and undermined. Thus 
it must be, if man is a moral and religious being, accountable to his 
Maker, and subject to the binding authority of the divine laws of his 
existence. Thus it must be, unless the current sentiment that religion 
and morality are the indispensable foundations of free institutions, is 
to be regarded as idle rhetoric. 

In estimating the religious character of a community, or of any 
particular class of citizens, by their political acts, we only follow the 
divine rule of testing the tree by its fruits. It matters not how active 
and busy a people may be in their solemn convocations, nor how de- 
vout and zealous they may appear in their worship, and in their zeal 
to make proselytes. All this may be well, in its place, if it spring from 
a right spirit, and conform to a correct standard, but, (if the Hebrew 
prophets, and if Christ and his Apostles are to be our guides in this 
matter,) we are bound to reject all that religious zeal and activity as 
worthless and abominable that consists with an aristocratic and proud 
temper — that flourishes in connection with a contempt of the poor, a 
disregard of human rights, and a sympathy with those who oppress 
men, and turn away the judgment of the dependent and helpless. 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 85 

INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS TEACHERS. 

It follows from what has been said, that an immense weight of re- 
Bponsibility rests on religious teachers, in respect to the maintenance 
of public justice, the security of men's rights, and the preservation of 
the public peace. A tyrannical government is always connected with 
a corrupt and ungodly priesthood. Bad rulers may indeed reject the 
admonitions and silence the voices of faithful religious teachers, who 
reprove their oppressions. And so, a besotted and stiff-necked people 
may, in like manner, reject the counsel of God against themselves. 
But both rulers and people in such cases, seldom, if ever, fail to fortify 
themselves against their own consciences and against the sentiments 
of surrounding communities, by heaping to themselves teachers after 
their own hearts. And corrupt religious teachers, in ancient and mod- 
ern times, have always been the chief instruments of deluding and 
blinding despotic rulers and their willing dupes, to their own temporal 
and spiritual destruction. " Like people, like priest" — has grown in- 
to a proverb, and we might quote high clerical authority for the max- 
im that an unfaithful ministry, if supported and recognized, will al- 
ways bring their flocks down to their own low level and false 
standard. 

It can not be supposed that the recent events in Rhode Island have 
furnished the world with the first, the only exception to this universal 
rule. Just so certain as men of wealth and power in that State, have 
succeeded in crushing human rights, just so certain is it that they 
have found support and countenance by professed teachers of religion. 
Without such aid they could not have kept themselves and each other 
in countenance ; they could not.have met the public gaze, unabashed, 
in the midst of their foul and grim work. A priesthood, of some sort, 
depend upon it — the Rhode Island aristecracy have had — must have 
had ! Whether openly infidel or professed Christian — matters not. 
AH sects, atheistic or otherwise, have their accredited teachers. Their 
assumed name is not always the proper index of their true characters. 
— THIS is to be learned from the WORK in which they are engag- 
ed, and in the DOINGS of those who resort to them for their AID. 
The picture of aristocratic "LAW and ORD,ER" in Rhode Island is 
of course but the transcript — the facsimile — so to speak — of a clergy, 
of some sort, that are to be found, some where, in or about the latitude 
and longitude of Rhode Island. To doubt this— is to doubt fundamen- 
tal first principles — is to discredit all history — sacred and profane — 
is to leap the precipice of downright skepticism in respect to all mor- 
al and political causes and effects. 

WHAT THE LEADING CLERGY OF RHODE ISLAND MIGHT HAVE DONE. 

The principal clergy of Rhode Island were in a favorable position 
to exert a healthful, a truly "conservative" influence in the civil and 
political affairs of that State. They were well supported. They had 
direct access to the leading men of the community. Of these, their 
congregations, to a great extent, were composed. With these, they 



86 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

held intercourse, daily. They were their patrons, their parishioners, 
their friends. They mingled in the same social circles. They were 
looked up to, as the wise and the holy men, the teachers of religion 
and good morals, in the community where they resided. They had 
the general confidence of both the rulers and the ruled. We have 
their own testimony, that their churches were composed of the active 
men of both the contending parties. One of their number, who may, 
perhaps without impropriety, be designated as their most prominent 
and leading man, was at the head of the flourishing University in that 
State. He says " I have resided here for about fifteen years. I have 
mingled with citizens of every name and of every class. I have the 
honor to number among my f^i'iends, the rich and the poor !" [Way- 
land's Discourse p. 24th.] His literary reputation was the boast of his 
State, not to say, of his country. His influence with his clerical breth- 
ren of all sects, in the city, and State, was almost without a parallel. 
Sympathizing with him and his views were the principal clergy of the 
cities. They were well educated, intellectual, polished. They stood 
at the head of the principal religious sects in the State, and enjoyed a 
high standing with their brethren of other States. Whatever they 
taught in respect to the mutual duties and rights of the rulers and the 
j-uled, would be regarded with a deference bordering on veneration. 
The statesman who could quote tlieir authority and enjoy their appro, 
bation had little occasion — so far as present success was concerned — 
to consult Constitutional authorities, or to cite common law. What 
Madison and Blackstone and Marshall and Mansfield might have writ- 
ten, was of less consequence to the political disputants of Rhode Js- 
land, than what was said by these men. 

They had Bibles in their hands. With the contents of that blessed 
Book, with the pages of universal history, with the Constitutions 
and usages of their country, with the fundamental principles of right- 
eousness, especially, it was their business to be familiar. Their knowl- 
edge and their advantages they were bound and were solemnly pledged 
to wield for the glory of God and the good of their neighbors — their 
brethren — their country — their race. 

It was their proper province to teach what, at such a crisis, the 
people and the magistrates most needed to know. Their duty to do 
this, they have acknowledged, in the teachings (such as they are) that 
they have published to the world. 

The great truths they were commissioned to teach, were the best 
antidotes to such evils as were witnessed. The supreme authority of 
God — the true dignity of man — the priceless worth of the immortal 
soul — its infinite superiority to all sublunary things — to dollars, to 
palaces, to acres — its unending existence — its changeless responsibili- 
ties — its corresponding prerogatives — its inalienable, God-given rights 
— the ensnaring nature of wealth — its tendency to beget a disregard of 
human rights — the damning sin of oppression, of arrogancy, of pride, of 
every aristocratic habit and feeling — the oneness of the human fami- 
ly—the equality of all men — the duty and privilege of each one to 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 87 

consider and treat his brother as his equal — the origin ot' civil gov. 
ernment, in God's authority, and man's wants — its proper business 
" lo execute judgment between a man and his neighbor" — the duty, 
and consequent right of every man to " choose judges arid officers, to 
rule the people with just judgment" — to assist in removing national sins 
— all these they would, of course, teach, if they taught the first prin- 
ciples of the religion they profess. Had they taught and properly 
applied these fundamental truths of religion, giving to each of their 
hearers a portion in due season, " the right of the poor of the people" 
would have been accorded to them, long ago, (as President Wayland 
seems to admit ought to have been done,) and no jarring contention, 
would have rent the State of Rhode Island. 

This, at least, we have reason to believe, would have been the fact. 
But suppose it had bieen otherwise. Suppose a difficulty had arisen, 
the leading clergy might have done something to heal the division in 
the community, and in their own churches, if they had been thus dis- 
posed. They might have exhorted the landholders to do justice — and 
the suffrage men to urge their just claims, (with their own ready aid,) 
by moral means only, in humble reliance on God, and without a re- 
sort (o the sword. In one word. They might have been the preach- 
ers of RIGHTEOUSNESS and of PEACE — and they might have acted in 
conformity with such preaching. Who believes that if they had done 
thus, there would have been a bayonet mounted, or a musket shoulder- 
ed, or a human being killed or imprisoned, in Rhode Island ? The 
thing is incredible. ■ Posterity will never believe it. Reflecting and 
well informed Christian men, in and out of Rhode Island, do not be- 
lieve it, now. 

WHAT THE LEADING CLERGY OF RHODE ISLAND DID DO. 

Instead of taking the course just described, the principal clergy of 
Rhode Island — those standing at the top of society, (as the world 
counts precedency) — the great majority of religious teachers in the 
State, took a course as directly opposite as can well be conceived. 
Instead of rebuking the spirit of aristocratic pride, they manifestly 
imbibed and promoted it. Their conversation, their deportment, and 
their preaching, plainly showed that they were the sycophants of the 
rich, and the despisers of the poor. They did not advocate justice. 
They did not vindicate human rights. They did not plead for the op- 
pressed. They did not even exhort the oppressor ia forbearance and 
peace. On the other hand, they were among the most ready assert, 
ors of minority and landholding supremacy. They were early in 
their exhortations to the military support — not of the Constitutional 
Government of the State, but of the aristocratic insurrection against 
it. They were members and Vice Presidents of the Peace Society ! 
Yet they openly encouraged a civil war. And their own concessions 
betray their consciousness, that the side they espoused in this war, 
was not the side on which was the " correct principle," and the 

« RIGHT !" 



88 THE RIGHTS AND THE WROIJGS 

Rev. Cyrus Mason, of New York City, formerly pastor of one of 
the largest churches in Providence, found it convenient to revisit the 
people of his former charge, soon after the military demonstrations of 
the 18th of May, and to occupy the Sabbath with a sermon against 
the suffrage party, and in favor of the conservatists of minority "law 
and order." The conscientious scruples of those who declined taking 
up arms in their support, he considered indicative of their deficiency 
in patriotism and public spirit. Whether this gentleman's opportune 
presence among his clerical brethren in Rhode Island, was the result 
of any concert or understanding between them, we are unable to say. 
But their course, both before and after this time, wa« such as to leave 
us in no doubt whether the aid and countenance of such an ally from 
a sister city was acceptable and welcome. 

On the return of the Newport artillery, May 19th, a procession was 
marched fronr Long Wharf to Trinity church. A " Herald of the 
Times" Extra, brings us the account. " All the protestant clergy in 
town were present, among the procession. Old Trinity never present- 
ed such an array of serious, yet happy countenances." The artillery 
too, were present. " Their ranks of bristling bayonets" says the Her- 
ald, " were a most imposing sight." " Religion and honor met in beau- 
tiful combination." — "It was a spectacle illustrating both the piety 
and the patriotism of the inhabitants of Newport." " The services 
were commenced by a masterly voluntary on the organ, by Mr. Tay- 
lor, after which the choir chanted the ' Gloria in Excelsis.' The ' Te 
DeunC was then said by the Rev. Francis Vinton, Rector of the 
church, who then offered prayer and thanksgiving from the incom- 
parable Liturgy. He then read from the thirteenth chapter of Ro- 
mans, beginning with ' Let every soul be subject unto the higher 
powers,' &c. The Rev. Mr. Vinton then ascended the pulpit and de- 
livered the address," &c., in which he said — " The Government of 
this State has not forfeited its right to our allegiance. Its authority 
is sanctioned by God's command. It was assaulted by an armed in- 
surrection," &c. " Instead of the triumph of the DOGMAS of po- 
litical FANATICISM" [Mark that! The " dogmas" of the Decla- 
ration of Independence !] " we discern their DEFEAT and DOWN- 
FALL." " Order has overcome the fury of individual will, and reli- 
gion once more beams upon our homes and altars." " Members of 
the Artillery Company !" " I stand here, in the two-fold ca- 
pacity of a minister of Jesus Christ, and a representative of your 
townsmen, to thank you for your good conduct in favor of liberty and 
law." 

So much for the Episcopacy of Newport. We hear of no " dis- 
sent" from this, on the part of the " church clergy" in other parts of 
the State. One is reminded of the Church-of-England services still 
celebrated once a year, in memory of that " blessed martyr" and prof- 
ligate despot, Charles I., of whom President Stiles declared that ho 
was justly sentenced to the block. 

Can it be that the Baptists and Congregationalists in Rhode Island 



OF RHODE ISLAND, 89 

support minislers whoso solemn blasphemies against God and Liberty 
equal those of " the Rev. Mr. Vinton ?" So it would seem ! 

President Wayland, from the high places once trod by Roger Wij- 
Hams, breathes the same spirit, and employs similar langu?\ge ! "The, 
abomination of desolation, standing where it ought not." Read his 
"Discourse, delivered in the Meeting House of the First Baptist 
Church, Providence, May 22d, 1842," and published by special request 
of " the Charitable Baptist Society," as communicated by their Com- 
mittee, consisting of Hon. John Pitman, Rov. A. Woods, D. D. and 
Gamaliel L. Dwight, Esq. Read likewise, his second "Discourse" 
delivered as above, on the day of the Public Thanksgiving, celebrated 
by request of the Charter authorities, July 21st, 1842. Notice the 
date of the last mentioned Discourse, in connection with the facts al- 
ready recorded as having then transpired and being then in progress. 
While those horrid outrages against liberty, and law, and humanity 
were yet fresh, and still in progress, listen to a religious discourse in 
which they are celebrated with thanksgivings ! Yes ! Under the 
reign of martial law, which is " no law but the suppression of all law" 
— while hundreds of citizens and scores of Christians, for no crime, 
were dragged to prison, or were scattered in exile from the State, 
while no man could with safety express his opinions unless they cor- 
responded with those of the landholding minority unlawfully in power, 
while freedom of speech and of the press were prostrate, hear Presi- 
dent Wayland, in obedience to the call of the successful insurgents, 
giving thanks to God for their success, extolling " the intrepidity of 
our citizens, the skill of our commanders, the patriotism of our peo- 
ple" — complimenting them as "or people loving justice, and hating 
wrong'" — " rising as one man to vindicate the claims of liberty and 
law, to defend our country from anarchy, and our hearths from viola- 
tion !" Hear him celebrate " our present tranquility^' — " without fear 
or molestation" — and add " / believe all this has been done in answer 
to prayer /" ^ 

It is said that the preacher had shorten his faith by his works — had 
literally shouldered his musket — dismissed his students, and given up 
his University for soldiers' barracks ! 

Did he really believe that justice and equity required this? Hear 
him. "This difficulty, you are all aware, arose on the question of 

sufiVage." <' With the wisdom of this provision I have nothing to 

do /" In another place, he concedes that it woidd have been better 
to have extended the suffrage long ago, and that this " icould have sav- 
ed us a period of intense anxiety and alarm /" He admits that " the 
representation had become palpably unequal." That is, (if words 
mean any thing,) iNEauiTABLE !— INIQUITOUS ! But "with the 
wisdom" of it he has " nothing to do" — only, to shoulder arms in sup- 
port of it ; and then proclaim to his hearers, from the pulpit, the duty 
of supporting the despotic usurpation, " at the peril of their souls." 
And then to the well anticipalrd objection that this was " new doc- 
13 



90 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

trine and restrictive of liberty" he had nothing to answer but a repc 
tition of his sacerdotal anathemas ! 

In accordance with these teachings, the churches, we understand, 
have excommunicated members for no crime but voting and acting 
under the People's Constitution, without taking up arms ! Thus, 
while open, insurrectionary violence against the lawful, republican 
government, mounts the pulpit ; peaceful, lawful, ballot-box adhesion to 
Constitutional liberty, meets with excommunication. 

All this, and more, if possible, comes likewise from the Congrega- 
tional pulpit. Witness Rev. Dr. Mark Tucker's Discourse, on the 
same 21st of July Thanksgiving, " published by request," and entitled 
" The Deliverance of Rhode Island !" 

Deliverance from ivhai ? From the reign of martial law — " the 
suppression of all lav/ ?" Deliverance from lawless arrests ? From 
vexatious and malicious seizures? From the felonious breaking open 
of houses 1 From the lawless seizure of horses and wagons 1 From 
imprisonments and exile ? Certainly not, if the people at large had 
any share in the " deliverance !" It was for the triumph of all this, 
that the " Thanksgiving" was held. The " deliverance of Rhode Is- 
land" must have been the " deliverance" of the aristocratic insur- 
gents ! And from what were they " delivered ?" From the reign of 
equal, Constitutional law ! From the relinquishment of their unjust, 
arbitrary, irresponsible, unconstitutional power ! This was all the 
" deliverance" that had been achieved. For President Wayland is 
our witness that the relinquishment of " palpably unequal" power, 
would have secured the public tranquility — would have '^^ saved (them) 
a period of intense anxiety and alarm .'" 

SELF CONVICTED. 

The Waylands and the Tuckers of Rhode Island concede too much 
to consist with a vindication of their own course. By their own 
showing, the rights of the People had been long withheld. Those 
rights they still continued to claim. And when and where had these 
gentlemen ever espoused their cause and pleaded for the right ? How 
comes it to pass that we find them sympathizing with the oppressor, 
instead of the oppressed 1 Yes ! and even joining with the oppressor 
in deeds of armed violence against them ? Instead of encouraging 
the slaughter of the wronged, why did .they not Insist on first giving 
them THEIR RIGHTS, and then see whether any military movements 
against them would be needed? By their own concessions, they 
have been zealous in favor of an armed warfare of the wrong against 
the right — of the injurers against the injured ! This fact lies on the 
face of their own writings, and can never be erased. 

From Dr. Tucker's Discourse, it is easy to gather all the essential 
facts necessary to the vindication of the Constitutionalists, the con- 
demnation of their opposers, and the refutation of his own foolish 
slanders. His admissions cover nearly the whole ground. It was 
" the anomaly of the existing (Charter) government" [pp. 8, 9.] that 
occasioned the disturbance. He admits " the correctness of the prin- 



• OF BHODE ISLAND. 91 

ciple avowed as the object to be obtained, to wit, the equality of repre- 
sentation, and the right of suffrage, [p. 9.] — He says too, [p. 4.] 
that "every layman OUGHT to make himself acquainted with civil 
concerns, and avail himself of all the privileges of a FREEMAN." 
So that (unless a man must needs be a landholder or a landholder's 
oldest son, in order to he a " LAYMAN !")it follows that the disfran- 
chised of R. Island only performed a DUTY, when they voted for the 
free suffrage Constitution, and that the Charter Assembly rebelled 
against the God who appoints human duties, when they proscribed it. 
The aggrieved. Dr. Tucker says, were the " friends," " brothers," 
" family" and " business" and church connections of their antago- 
nists, [p. 16.] And they " were not carried on, step by step, by the 
force of circumstances." No ! Their measures were " the result of 
deliberation and long continued effort." [p. 10.] Petitions for a re- 
moval of " the anomaly" of the Charter government, and in favor of 
"correct principle" — "equal representation" — "the right of suf- 
frage" and " a new Constitution" had been often presented" and (of 
course !) had been " often" refused, [p. 8] After all this — " they 
went forward and organized a government.'''' [p. 10.] The fact of the 
" deliberate organization of a government" is here distinctly admit- 
ted, and no proofs are offered that it was not a just and equitable one. 
Yet, the Reverend Gentleman celebrates with " thanksgivings" the 
forcible and insurrectionary overthrow of this " ORGANIZED GOV- 
ERNMENT," and the substitution of martial law, "the suppression of 
all law," in its stead ! He exclaims, " Were we to follow the impuls- 
es of grateful hearts, we should now arise from our seats, and strike 
the loud anthem of praise. ' Yea, let all the people praise him.' " — 
[" Here," says the pamphlet sermon before us, " the organ struck up 
an anthem of praise, and the congregation arose simultaneously from 
their seats !"] Is it not marvelous that such insurrectionary thanks- 
givings should have been coupled with the apostolic admonition, " Let 
every soul be subject to the higher powers," &lc. 1 

Other minisfers, in abundance, followed in the wake of Messrs. 
Vinton, Tucker, and Wayland. Bat we forbear. 

" ALL are not such !" 

Of this fact. Dr. Tucker seems to have been conscious. Speaking 
of the suffrage men, he says — " As Jeroboam, in his rebellion, appoint- 
ed priests of the lowest of the people, ministers would have been found 
of a character to uphold such proceedings." 

There may have been something prophetic in the ken of Dr. Tuck- 
er. The account of the " Clam-bake" of Rhode Island Constitutional- 
ists at Medbury Grove, Massachusetts, as published in the Bay State 
Democrat of Aug. 6th. contains the following incident. 

" After the usual preliminaries, the immense assemblage which had 
collected, stood in silence and with uncovered heads, while the Throne 
of Grace was addressed by Rev. Mr. Kenyon, of^the West Baptist 
church in Providence. The prayer of Mr. Kenyon was one of the 
most truly eloquent, spiritual and patriotic, to which we ever had the 



93^ THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

pleasure of listening, and found its way to every heart. He spoke of 
the presiding care and protection of an overruling Providence in all 
the changes of life, whether peaceful or stormy, of our free institu^ 
tions, the violence which had been done to them, the necessity of hav- 
ing a forgiving temper under all outrages on the rights and liberties 
of the people, and that the blessings which had been secured to us all, 
by the great charter of universal rights, would sooner or later be en- 
joyed by every son and daughter of Rhode Island. 

" The Declaration of American Independence was then read ; 
&c. &c." 

I" THE TEST aUESTION" BEFORE US. 

An 1 SO, the caus3 of Constitutional Liberty has its ministers of re- 
ligion, too, as well as the cause of aristocratic usurpation and martial 
law. But then, they are "from the lowest of the people." So Dr. 
Tucker assures us. They are " the fag end of society" — " the filth 
and offscouring of all things." Perchance the "common people" will 
" hear them gladly,"— though they are persecuted, and thrust into 
prison. 

The lines bctv/een despotism and freedom, are thus, at length defi- 
nitely drawn. And drawn too by the priestly conservators of usurp- 
ed, lawless, abused minority power. The gauntlet is by them thrown 
down, the anathema is hy them pronounced. Ministers and people, 
who will not submit, must henceforth dissent, " at the peril of their 
souls," and be cast out of the church ! 

This too, in order that civil liberty, among the whites, at the North, 
may be ^trampled in violence and insurrection and anarchy, under 
foot. The day of honied and affectionate yearnings after " the unity 
of the spirit" and " the peace of the churches" has gone by. Those 
lullabies have accomplished their object — have had their day. The 
sword of ecclesiastical excision is, at length, drav/n against all who 
will not surrender their freedom. The Rubicon is passed. The war 
against human rights is to be waged, without compromise, and without 
quarter. 

Let it come ! With our vv^hole hearts, let us welcome the contest. 
Too long has the storm been gathering in silence, or only muttering 
its faint and seemingly distant thunders unheeded. Let the loud peal 
rouse us, at last, to our duty, and fix us at our posts. 

" WHO IS ON THE LORd's SIDE ?" 

Two sorts of religion exist in this country. They are found divid- 
ing in sunder, the principal religious denominations. The one is the 
religion of despotism. The other is the religion of liberty. " Where 
the spirit of the Lord is — there is liberty" — and where the spirit of the 
devil is, there is despotism. " What communion hath light with dark- 
ness ? What concord hath Christ with Belial ? What part hath he 
that believeth with an infidel ?" The' separation must take place. 
The process has commenced. All the powers of earth and hell can 
not prevent it. The power of the Great Head of the Church is pledg- 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 93! 

ed for its completion. And he has declared that when it is accom- 
plished, his people shall " return and discern between the righteous and 
the wicked — between him that serveth God and him that serveth him 
not," [Malachi iii. 18.] Whereas " now we call the proud, happy ; 
yea, they that work wickedness are set up ; yea, they that tempt (that 
insult) God, are even delivered" [ib. v. 15.] and celebrate their *' de- 
liverance" with impious " thanksgivings." 

OUR WORK, AAD OUR PROSPECTS. 

Not until this purifying separation shall be made, will the churches 
be prepared to be instrumental, in the conversion of the world. "The 
thrones" of despotism must "be cast down" before " the Ancient of 
Days sits" in his glory. 

Are we enthusiasts — fanatics — disorganizers — because we thus 
speak? Let us quote then, once more, from a writer who will not be 
charged with wildnes?, fanaticism, or disorder. In a sermon on " rev- 
olution and reformation" preached, December, 1819 — twenty-two 
years before the adoption of the Constitution of Rhode Island, Dr. 
Emmons insisted on the same truths we now utter. His text was in 
Ezekiel xxi. 27. " I will overturn, overturn, overturn it : until ho 
come, whose right it is, and I will give it him." The illustrious per- 
sonage alluded to, in the text, says the preacher, " was, undoubtedly^ 
the Prince of peace, whose way God meant to prepare by great chang- 
es and revolutions among the nations of the earth." The leading senti- 
ment of the discourse is thus stated : — "God will bring about the 

GLORIOUS REIGN OF ClIRIST, BY OVERTURNING ALL THINGS THAT STAN1> 

IN THE WAY OF IT." The inquiry is next raised — " What things do 
stand in the way of the glorious reign of Christ?" In reply to this 
question, the very first particular introduced, by the preacher, is the fol- 
lowing : — 

" Every species of TYRi^NNY stands in the way of the glorious 
reign of Christ. His reign will be a reign of Righteousness and 
Peace, to which every species of tyranny stands diametrically oppos- 
ed. Both civil and ecclesiastical tyrants always have been and still 
are hostile to the reign of Christ. As soon as Christ set up his king- 
dom, all the kingdoms of the world, being tyrannical, were unitedly 
opposed to his kingdom, and employed all their power and influence 
to prevent its enlargement and establishment. And all pagan and 
Mohammedan governments are still tyrannical, and still hostile to the 
kingdom of Christ, and many Christian nations are more or less ty- 
rannical, and consequently more or less hostile to the pure and 
peaceable government of Christ. Civil tyranny, in every nation, and 
in every form, stands in the way of the glorious reign of Christ, and 
so does ecclesiastical tyranny. This early prevailed in the Christian 
church, and has been carried to a greater height than any civil tyr- 
anny ever has been. The Christian clergy soon began to usurp un- 
christian authority, and gradually carried it to higher and higher 
claims, till the pope presumed to be the universal and supreme head of 
the church, and to exercise a right to govern and put down the 



94 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

greatest kings in Christendom. Though such exorbitant ecclesiasti- 
cal tyranny has been considerably checked and restrained in later 
times, yet it still predominates in all popish countries, and has no 
SMALL INFLUENCE in EVERY PART of the Christian world. And just 
so far as it exists, it is hostile to the spread of the gospel, and the ap- 
proaching reign of Christ. Every species of tyranny, in every 
PART of the WORLD, is one thing that stands in the way of the reign 
of the Prince of Peace." 

Emvions" Servians, Vol. II. p. 302. 

Does the reader desire to know what would be regarded by Dr. 
Emmons as tyrannical ? Or does he ask for the evidence that he 
would consider the reigning Charter authorities in Rhode Island and 
their clerical abettors to be " civil and ecclesiastical tyrants ?" Read 
over again the quotations already made, containing his views of those 
rulers who seek to suppress the voice of the people. And read like- 
wise his declaration concerning the "friends of tyranny," that they 
wish for a government which grants exclusive rights and hereditary 
honors and distinctions" — [like those of the " landholders" and their 
♦' oldest sons," for example] — and that they v/ant to rise above their fel- 
low men by unjust means, and have it in their power to trample upon 
the great mass of the people, with impunity."* [Vol. II. p. 106.] If 
this picture does not belong to the Charterists of R. Island, to whom 
does or can it belong ? 

The friends of liberty and pure religion may see, then, what ig 
their proper work, and what are their prospects. The overthrow 
of civil and ecclesiastical despotism is undoubtedly the grand charac- 
teristic eterprise of the present and next coming ages. And the en- 
terprise will succeed ! Listen yet again to the language of Emmons^ 
towards the close of the same Sermon. 

" Christians have great encouragement to exti't themselves, vigo- 
rously and wisely, in preparing the way for the glorious reign of 
Christ. He has pledged his faithfulness TO REMOVE ALL OB- 
STACLES OUT OF the way, and he is faithful and powerful, who 
has promised." [p. 310.] 

destiny of despots. 

Would the inveterate and unrelenting conservators of despotism 
learn their destiny ? They may read it in the second Psalm. They 
may read it, if they choose, in the former writings of their presewi apo- 
logist and leader. President Wayland. 

" Thanks be to God, men have at length begun to understand the 
rights, and feel for the wrongs of each other. Let the trumpet of 
alarm be sounded, and its notes are now heard by every nation, 
whether of Europe or America. Let a voice, borne on the feeblest 
breeze, tell that the rights of man are in danger, and it floats over 
valley and mountain, across continent and ocean, until it has vibrated 
in the ear of the remotest dweller in Christendom. Let the arm of 
oppression be raised to crush the feeblest nation on earth, and there 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 93 

will be heard, every where, if not the shout of defiance, the deep-toned 
murmur of implacable displeasure." [How " impertinent and med- 
dlesome" are these " foreign sympathisers" !] " It is the cry of ag-- 
grieved, insulted, much-abused man ! It is human nature, waking in 
her might, from the slumber of ages, shaking herself from the ^ust of 
ANTiauATED INSTITUTIONS, girding iierself lor the combat, and going 
forth, conquering and to conquer."* 

And again, " Wo unto the man, wo unto the dynasty, and wo unto 
the policy, on whom shall fall the scath of their blighting indignation.''' 

THE TWO ALTERNATIVES. 

There are, then, but two ways in which the despotisms that standin 
the way of Christ's coming reign, may be overturned. Both these 
ways are described in the Bible, and in the sermon of Dr. Emmons. 

One way is, " by public calamities and desolating judgments" — " by 
the sword, by pestilence and by famine, the common weapons of di- 
vine indignation"-]- — by the civil commotions and bloodshed that des- 
potism naturally produces and provokes. Hence the descriptions of 
Isaiah. " Who is tliis that cometh from Edom, with dyed garments 

from Bozrah ?" — " I that speak in righteousness, mighty to save ?" 

" Wherefore art thou red in thine apparel, and thy garments like him 
that treadeth the wine-fat? I have trodden the wine-press alone; 
and of the people there was none with me ; for I will tread them in 
mine anger, and trample them in my fury, and their blood shall be 
sprinkled upon my garments, and stain all my raiment." — That is, 
when " the people" are not workers together with God, in bearing 
testimony against oppression, and he is left " alone" to work out hu. 
man deliverance by his just judgments, he will use the sword of con- 
tending armies and rival parties to overturn despotic governments, 
and establish freedom, and thus prepare the way for the reign of 
Christ. This, however, is not the way in which good men should la- 
bor for the promotion of the grand object. Their duty lies in a dif. 
ferent direction. 

The " more excellent way" is " to enlighten the minds of the igno- 
rant, the barbarous, the tyrannical, and the erroneous, in respect to 
their civil and religious tyranny, and their absurd and vicious customs 
and manners," — to employ " the gospel as the principal external in- 
istrument to overthrow and remove all obstacles in the way of Christ's 
final and most glorious reign upon earth" — relying upon the Holy 
Spirit " as the efficient cause of making all the other means effectu- 
al.":}: This method is more powerful than military armaments, which 
are more efficiently wielded by the enemies than by the friends of free- 
dom. Especially is this true in an age like the present, when men 
are beginning to inquire after the eights and the wrongs of existmg 
controversies, rather than after the fact of forcible triumph, and of 

* Discourse I. on the Duties of an American Citizen. April, 1825. 
t Vide Emmons. J Emmons, Vol, ii. pp. 301—5. 



96 "THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

physical strength. These are the methods that are "mighty through 
Oodj to the pulUng down of strong holds, casting down imaginations, 
.and every high thing [every thing aristocratical and despotic] that 
exalteth itselt" against the obedience of Christ." 

And thrse peacefid weapons may be wielded, now, as in primitive 
times, by those v/ho are accounted the " filth and ofTscouring of all 
things" — the " fag end of society" — "the miserable multitude" — " the 
rabble." Nor is it to be taken for granted that the gross ignorance 
and error, the heartless barbarism and tyraimy that now reign and 
riot in the high places of Rhode Island, in her palaces and the learned 
halls upon East Providence hill — thick, dense, dark, and impenetrable 
as they may seem to be, are beyond the reach of these heavenly wea- 
pons. Suffocated and degraded as humanity must needs he, under 
such a heavy pressure of worldliness and wealth, of pedantry and 
pride, let us never forget that it is humanity still — that the vital spark 
of immortality is yet there ; that the breath of omnipotent and sove- 
reign Mercy may yet kindle it. Farther from the kingdom of heaven 
it may indeed be, than publicans and harlots — a more discouraging 
field of missionary labor it may present, than Burmah, or Hindostan, 
or the Sandwich Islands. But it is nevertheless within the province 
of Christian exertion and Christian prayer — for " the field is the 
world." 

But let not Christian faith and enterprise be misdirected and foiled. 
Let no friend of God and of humanity think of opposing the weight 
of a feather, or of a straw against this mighty strealn of baptized 
atheism, while he himself, continues to float down its current — to re- 
cognize its Christianity — to shake hands with it, at the communion 
table—to sit under its teachings — to countenance its sanctimonious 
pretenses. The admitted maxim that an ungodly ministry, adhered 
to, inevitably drags down the flock to its own level, is full of signifi- 
cancy at this point. Adhesion can not be a duty — can not beadmis- 
sible, when it involves apostasy — and let no man imagine his own 
spiritual attainments a guaranty of exception, in his own case. There 
is presumption, bordering on spiritual pride, in the attempted experi- 
ment. 

As there is only one way for Christians to preserve their integrity, 
so thei'e are only two ways for God to work out the world's redemp- 
tion — " to remove the despotisms that stand in the way of Christ's 
reign." 

The one v/ay is by that peaceful, Christian kefokmation, which 
involves, of necessity, the withdrawal of Christian reformers from des- 
potic ministers and churche?, and enlistment in the establishment 
and support of true and free Christian churches and ministers, in their 
stead, to be used as the heaven-appointed instruments of the world's 
reformation, and deliverance.* 

* Objection. — But we are too few in numbers — too feeble in resources." 
Answer. " My grace is sufficient for thee." — " Not by might, nor by strength, 
but by my spirit, saith the Lord of hosts." " Where two or three are gathered to- 
gether, in my name, there am I, in the midst of ihem." 



OF RHODE ISLAND. 97 

The other way is by bloody revolution, by those " terrible things 
in righteousness" that shall sweep the earth as with the besom of de- 
struction, and overturn, forcibly, the despotisms that stand in the way 
of Christ's reign. 

The question to be settled in Rhode Island — in New EnHand in 

the United States — in Old England — on the continent of Europe in 

Asia — in Africa — in the whole World — is not whether the now ex- 
isting despotisms, civil and ecclesiastical, shall be terminated but 
HOW. 

And the decision of this question rests chiefly with Christians 

with the real friends of God and man, who are — to a great extent 

connected with the churches that now exist — churches which are in 
many cases, controlled and governed by despots, and wielded tor the 
support of despotism and oppression and slavery, both in the church 
and in the State. 

To decide in favor of remaining connected with ecclesiastical ar- 
rangements that can not be divorced from despotism and wielded 
against it (for there are no neutrals) is to decide, not only in favor of 
apostacy, but in favor of the sure alternative, bloody revolutions 

and DESOLATING JUDGMENTS. 

Christian reader ! Each one must decide for himself. What de- 
cision is yours? The cause of liberty is the cause of God. Who is 
on the Lord's side ? Who ? 

Who is lor peaceful. Christian reformation ? And who is for 

the DREADFUL ALTERNATIVE ? 

CONCLUSION. 

AH who prize political and civil freedom, (whether professors of re- 
ligion or otherwise,) should understand distinctly that liberty can not 
be preserved without the active and all pervading presence of a liber, 
ty-inspired — a liberty-inspiring religion.— A community without any 
religion at all — if such a thing were possible— would be a soul-less 
community. And liberty, the soul of humanity, could not live witiiout 
its atmosphere. Still less could it live in the atmosphere of a false, a 
despotic religion. The religion of a people whetiier it be spurious or 
genuine, always controls them, and determines their political as well 
as their eternal destiny. To suppose a free people clinging to the 
skirts of an ambitious, despotic, or servile priesthood, and listening, 
with confidence to religious teachers, who apologize for tyranny, is to 
suppose an impossibility— a self-contradiction. The question of pre- 
serving our civil, political, and religious freedom, resolves itself in- 
to the question — What sort of religious teachers shall be sought after, 
and listened to, and followed, and patronised ? In what schools, and 
under what influences shall our teachers of religion, themselves, he ed. 
ucated and trained ? 

All this, the story of Rhode Island makes manifest. It shows us, 

too, that religious teachers, whose controlling influence no comrauni. 

ty ever escapes, are never neutral, (though in quiet times they may 

seem to be,) on the great question of human rights. Wiienever the 

13 



98 THE RIGHTS AND THE WRONGS 

test comes, they will show where they are, and range themselves on 
one side or on the other, where they belong. The pretended neutrals 
will always be found on the side of oppression. And just where you 
find them, in respect to the liberties of one race or complexion 
of men, just there will you find them in respect to the liberties 
of any other race, or complexion of men, whenever the proper oppor- 
tunity for testing them is presented. There is no more real sympa- 
thy or zeal in the breasts of our ministers of religion (in city or coun^. 
try, in Rhode Island or out of it.) in behalf of the liberties of the mass- 
es of the common people of their own hue, and connected with their 
own churches, at the North, than there is in behalf of the masses, 
of a different hue, at the South. Common sense might have taught 
us that plain lesson, years ago. But God, who has determined to test 
and exhibit the characters of all men, has, in his all wise and holy 
providence, tested the characters of the leading clergy in Rhode Island, 
and their brethren in the surrounding States, and shown where they 
stand. The test next attaches itself to the mass of the people them, 
selves, — those who profess to value, a^ least, their own rights, and their 
own freedom. Do they know enough, and will they exhibit faithful- 
ness and selfdenial enough to separate themselves at all 

ENENTS, FROM ALL RELIGIOUS TEACHERS WHO ARE NOT HEARTILY EN- 
IISTED IN THE CAUSE OF UNIVERSAL HUMAN FREEDOM ? If SO, the 

preservation of their liberties will be possible — but not otherwise, un- 
less by CONVULSIONS that shall make the ears of him that heareth it, 
to tingle. 



APPENDIX. 



REVIEW OF PRESIDENT WAYLAND. 



In the preceding pages we have alluded now and then to the two 
Discourses of President Wayland, but have noticed their contents on- 
ly where the argument or investigation in which we were engaged, 
needed his testimony, or when it seemed proper to rebut his allega- 
tions in respect to the matters then under consideration. Some fur- 
ther notice of so distinguished a writer will, perhaps, be expected, be- 
fore the subject is dismissed. Our readers will wish to know more of 
the positions he assumes, and of the arguments he uses, on topics of 
so much importance to the interests of human freedom. Our limits 
will restrict us to a few particulars, but we shall endeavor to select 
some of the most prominent. 

" PSEACHING POLITICS !" 

Sermons on politics from President Wayland ! Sermons, too, in 
which he lakes sides in a pending political contest which divides the 
Christian community where the preacher resides, — a contest in which, 
(as he telis us) " men who call themselves the disciples of the Lord Je- 
sus, and who partake of the elements of that body which was broken 
and of that blood which was shed for our sins" are arrayed on the 
side opposite to that which the preacher espouses. At the time of 
preaching and publishing his Jirst sermon, it does not appear that these 
brethren against whom his arrows were leveled, were regarded oth- 
erwise than in " regular standing" — or that any « steps of gospel dis- 
ipline" had been taken in respect to them ; yet he publicly charges 
them with " one of the gravest crimes that can be committed against 
society" — the crime of treason. And having exhausted his argument, 
he proceeds to add his anathemas. By the authority and in the name 
of Christ, he assures them that unless they give up their views of civ- 
il liberty, and of political duty, and practically adopt his own, they 
shall be disowned by the Judge of all, at the last day.* Nor does he 

* Having laid down by his exposition of Romans xiii. 1, etc. the doctrine of 
passive and implicit submission to existing governments, the preacher adds — 
" The laws which I have repeated to you are those which Christ has enacted. 
If you are his disciples, you must obey them, or he will declare, ' I never knew 
you.' You must choose, therefore, in this matter, whom you will serve." S«r- 
mon, p. 30. 



100 APPENDIX. 

stop here. Lest his preaching should seem to lack the support of ex. 
ample, he mingles actively in the political contest against his brethren. 
And how and where does the " legate of the skies" do this ? At the 
polls? and with his vote? Not exactly : but in the military ranks, 
with his musket ! Lest his sermons should not suffice to convince his 
Christian brethren of their political errors, he will try what virtue 
there is in powder and ball ! An impression, in some way, he is de- 
termined to make. Of the earnestness and zeal of the preacher there 
can be no question. 

What has become of "the dirty waters of politics," now? Of the 
duty of Christians and ministers to stand aloof from them, lest their 
piety should be soiled — their spirituality impaired — the churches dis- 
tracted — their peace disturbed — the Holy Spirit grieved — souls neg- 
lected — and revivals of religion prevented ? — What has become of 
the maxim that a preacher should knov/ " nothing save Jesus Christ 
and hisn crucified," and that therefore, the political responsibilities and 
sins of men is a theme with which the pulpit should not be desecrat- 
ed ? Where are now, those "Limitations of Human Responsibility" 
with which President Wayland was wont to quiet the consciences of 
Christians, when their high political duties were urged on their atten- 
tion ? 

In his second Discoui-se, (July 2ist,) after about two month's time for 
reflection, the preacher does not appear to have changed his views of 
the duty of political preaching. What shall we make of all this ? 
Had President Wayland and tho leading clergy, of the same views, 
been leading their tiocks in the wrong track, all the while they were 
urging upon them the Christian duty of abstaining from politics, and 
fencing themselves round with ^^ Limitations'^ that should restrict 
them from redressing, at the ballot-box, the wrongs of the poor? Or 
does political action become a Christian duty only when the usurpa- 
tions of the rich need support ? W^hen the rights of the people must 
needs be put down ? 

PATRICIAN PULPITS, AND CHTJKCHES — A PICTURE, BY PRESIDENT 
WAYLAND. 

In his second discourse, the preacher vindicates, at some length, the 
duty of preaching politics, and there is a strain of confession for past 
delinquencies, mingled with the argument.* In the course of his re- 
marks, we have the following. — 

" I am therefore obliged to confess that the pulpit must be resppnsi- 
ble, in part, at least, for much of the error that has vitiated the public 
mind. — The design of the public ministrations of religion is to pur- 

* Did the preacher mean to confess as a fault, what he boasted of, as a merit, 
in the beginning of his first Sermon on the politics of R. Island 1 He then said — 
" All who have ever known me will bear me witness, that I have never mingled 
in the strife of politics. Never, that I know of, have I uttered a syllable, either 
from the pulpit or the press, at which men of any political party have taken ex- 
ception." — Then he must have done little to reprove political iniquity, or to 
qualify himself to grapple with the political dispute in Rhode Island. 



REVIEW OF WAYLAND. 101 

suade men to discharge their duties to God and each other. The ev- 
idence of religious character is found, not merely in sentiments of 
devotion, but also in a life of piety, charity, justice, innocence and 
truth. If we may believe the New Testament, aside from this practi- 
cal development, professions of religion are vain and hypocritical. 
Now I am constrained to confess tliat both in our preaching and in 
our other religious teaching, the inculcation of those tempers of heart 
and of that corresponding practice, which the gospel requires, has been 
greatly neglected. We have insisted on the necessity of certain spir- 
itual exercises, while the necessity of a holy and virtuous life, as the 
fruit of those exercises, and the proof of their existence, has been suf- 
fered to fade from our recollection." " And hence it has sometimes 

come to be believed that moral and religious character, having 
no principles in common, may be divorced from each other. One man 
asserts that religion has nothing to do with the regulation of his pas- 
sions, — another that it has nothing to do with his business, — and an- 
other that it has nothing to do with his politics. Thus while the man 
professes a religion which obliges him to serve God in every thing, he 
declares that whenever obedience would interfere with his cherished 
vices, he will not serve God, at all. — And I grieve to say that the 
pulpit has failed to meet such sentiments at the threshhold, with its 
stern and uncompromising rebuke. From fear of the reproaches of 
men falsely professing godliness, it has been silent when it ought to 
have spoken out plainly. — A man may be mean, or even dishonest in 
his dealings, or he may be reckless about his word, or he may indulge 
in unhallowed passions, or he may pursue a thousand courses at vari- 
ance with the Christian character, and yet, if he have occasional sea- 
sons of devotion, and hold tirmly to the doctrines which are professed 
by his church, he may attend the sanctuary sabbath after sabbath, and 
too frequently hear nothing which shall arouse him from his spiritual 
delusion. Men are told how they xnnsifeel, but not how they must 
act, and the result, in many cases, is that a man's belief has but an un- 
certain s.nd transient effect upon his practice." -" Now the evils re- 
sulting from this partial declaration of the doctrines of revelation, are 
manifold. The standard of moral character, among frofessors of re. 
ligion, may thus even sink helov) the level of the community around them. 
They cease to he the light oj the world — Nay more j their actions are 
pleaded as an apology for the wickedness of other men. Hence the 
light that is in them becomes darkness. And again, the moral effect of 
the religion of Christ is the great evidence, to mankind, of its divine au- 
thority. If no such effect is produced, men with much apparent rea. 
son, deny its claims to such an authority." 

WHOSE TS THE PICTURE ? 

Remarkable statements these ! Astounding developments ! Is it 
possible that they come from the pen of President Wayland ? It is 
even so ! And they justify all that even President Green has said, in 
his obnoxious sermon, entitled " Iniquity and a Meeting^'' ! What 
have the fanatical advocates of human rights ever said of the condi> 



102 APPENDIX. 

tion of the churches and ministry by whom the claims of fundamental 
morality and of 1:he wronged poor are overlooked, that goes beyond 
these concessions of Pres. Wayland ? The facts he records, and the 
sentiments he expresses, are identical with the " uncharitable denun- 
ciations" of the abolitionists ! In only one spot on the canvass, could 
the colors of the picture have been brightened by the boldest pencil 
among them. President Wayland might have said, and said truly, 
that many of the pulpits he describes as having failed to rebuke the he- 
resies he exposes, have been forward in the manufacture and propaga- 
tion of them. Who, among the men in the churches, " falsely pro- 
fessing godliness," and through " fear" of whom the prophets, (as 
President Wayland assures us,) have become as dumb dogs — who, 
among them, we demand, ever dreamed of as many sophistical methods 
of divorcing their religion from their activities and relations, and 
throwing sfF or " limiting'''' the " responsibilities''' connected with them, 
as are to be found in the " Limit atioivs" of President Wayland ? Who 
does not know that this is the standing text-book of the "■ false pro- 
fessors" whom the President so correctly describes ? 

The preacher must have witnessed, somewhere, the picture he has 
drawn. Where could it have been, if not in the churches whose min- 
isters bid them stand aloof from the " dirty politics" of " relieving the 
oppressed, and executing judgment between a man and his neighbor?" 
What cities, more signally than those of Rhode Island, have been un- 
der the influence of such preaching ? And what churches, more com- 
pletely than those where the Thanksgiving Sermons of Drs. Tucker 
and Wayland were delivered, and where they were acceptable to the 
leading members? His own use of the confessionary terms "tee" 
and " our,'''' in his account of the defective preaching he censures, 
bears testimony not to be misunderstood, on this point. But did 
it never occur to the preacher that the defective teaching he de- 
scribes must have been most effective on those who most confided in 
it ? And were not these his own partisans ? And did he not see that 
the picture he has drawn, finds its most distinct and glowing original 
in the very scenes that he and they — the preacher and his hearers, 
were then enacting ? In their violent and lawless outrages upon hu- 
man rights, and their impious "Thanksgivings" for their ungodly tri- 
umph over Constitutional " law and order ?" The nation and poster- 
ity will see this, if the preacher and his hearers did not. And the bad 
effects of the now prevalent mode of preaching will be read in the poli- 
tieal history of Rhode Island. 

IMPORTANT CONCESSIONS. 

The concessions of the Sermon, are nevertheless cheering. They 
show that the light of truth can not forever be shut out from the 
American churches. It has to be admitted that religion has some- 
thing to do with politics, after all — that " civil difficulties" have to be 
discussed in sermons — that defective religious teachings lead to wick- 
ed political practices — that the Bible and its teachings have to be 
sought aftei', before political disputes can be properly adjusted — nay, 



REVIEW OF WA.\'LAND. 103 

more than this, that, in such cases, the righteous awards of the final 
judgment are not unfrequently suspended upon the rectitude of men's 
decisions! Solemn and startUng truths, these ; truths tliat shall yet 
make heartless statesmen quake, and cover the faces of their clerical 
parasites with confusion! Truths too, tliat shall introduce more scrip- 
tural tests into our churches than now prevail, when ^^ evidence of re- 
ligious character^^ is sought after, qnd it is to be decided whether men's 
"professions of religion are hypocrilical and vain." In all this, as 
well as in preaching politics, the friends of righteous government and 
equal liberty can not fail to remember that they have the sanction 
and authority of President Way land. 

" OUT OF THINE OWN MOUTH WILL I JUDGE TIIEE." 

To the law and to the testimony, then, and let not President Way. 
land and his partisans shrink trom the scrutiny. The RIGHT and 
WRONG of the case, are, of course, the pivots of the argumentation, 
in this Rhode Island controversy, if the judgment day, (as the preach- 
er assured his hearers,) is to determine, by its awful verdict, the des- 
tiny of human souls, in accordance with the rectitude of their decis« 
ions. All this must be true, unless the adjuration of the Sermon be a 
mere " flourish of rhetoric" — an unworthy artifice — a pious fraud — 
a breath of bombast — a sacerdotal bull. 

We had a right to expect, then, that in approaching the discussion, 
President Wayland would enter minutely and correctly into the facts 
of the case, and bring them to the test of those changeless pn'?2c?p/e5 of 
eternal rectitude by which all human actions are to be tried. But 
did he do this ? Or did he show plainly that he dared not encounter 
such a test, after all ? 

" This difficulty, as you are all aware, (says the preacher) arose up. 
on the question of suffrage." Having described the existing restric- 
tions in the exercise of this right, and being sensible, as he afterwards 
informs us, that this restriction " gave rise to odious and unkind com- 
parisons," and that •' the representation had become palpably une- 
qual," — he nevertheless adds, in respect to the suffrage laws — " with 
the wisdom of this provision, I have nothing to do. A very able ar- 
gument might easily be made out on either side, of the question." 

If " the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom''' — if justice 
and wisdom, where human rights are concerned, be one and the same, 
then President Wayland (so he tells us) has nothing to do with the 
RIGHT or the WRONG of the question on which " the difficulty 
arose !" On this point (the very turning point of the whole contro- 
versy) he would be thought to be still in doubt ! A very able argu- 
ment, he thinks, might be made, on either side of the question. The 
claims of ACRES on the one hand, and of HUMAN NATURE, on 
the other, are so nearly balanced, in his mind, that, with all his philo- 
sophical acumen, and ethical skill, and theological lore, and Biblical 
erudition, the learned instructor of a divided community, has found 
himself utterly unable to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion, -^s 
to the RIGHT of the case, " upon which this difficulty arose," he pre- 



104 APPENDIX. 

tends to know nothing about it ! He " has nothing to do" with it ! 
He spares himself the trouble of the inquiry — the inconvenience of 
taking a manly position, on the side of the true and the right. But he 
has found out, nevertheless, by some process, on which side the cleri- 
cal ANATHEMA MARANATHA is to be placed, and with all due dignity 
and stately solemnity does he pronounce it ! 

" From such apostles, Oh ! ye mitred heads, 
Preserve the church ; and lay not careless hands 
On skulls that can not teach, and will not learn." 

CONVENIENT NEUTRALITY. 

To have had an opinion on the moral merits of the question upon 
which he had so zealously taken sides, pulpit-wise, and musket-wise, 
might have been somewhat inconvenient to President Wayland, just 
at that time. If he had decided the delicate question, in favor of the 
right of free suffrage, how could he excuse the concession, to his mu- 
nificent patrons, who had so long and so strenuously maintained the 
opposite position ? [And the preacher's habit, as he tells us, (p. 5.) 
had always been not to " utter a syllable, either from the pulpit or the 
press, at which men, of any political party" should " take excep. 
tion !"] How should he vindicate himself and them, in the present 
struggle ? And how would he make out the charge of treason and 
anarchy against the people, for only asserting and maintaining their 
heaven-conferred rights 1 

On the other hand, if he openly and unambiguously denied the right 
of suffrage, how should he and his friends avail themselves of the cur- 
rent pretense that every body is in favor of free suffrage in Rhode 
Island ? And how would it agree with his statement, [p. 6.] that his 
own opinion has always been in favor of the extension of the suf- 
frage ? 

Does any one marvel how a neutral or hesitant position, on such a 
point can be maintained 1 Let him compare the " Elements of Mor. 
al Science" with the " Limitations of Human Responsibility." No 
balance master need beat a loss, who can wield implements like these. 
He has only to throw one of the books into each scale, and he may 
*• smile delighted with the eternal poise." 

EVASION " POINT NO POINT." 

But President Wayland would have it that a new issue is now 
formed. That the question is not whether the people are entitled to 
the suffrage, but whether a majority of them have a right to change 
the government without leave of the Charter Assembly. But how does 
that alter his position ? Who can help seeing that the distinction is 
■without a difference ? That the decision of the latter question must 
depend upon the decision of the former? That, if the people 
have a right to the suffrage, then they have a right to a government 
that shall maintain that right ? That the righjt of suffrage implies and 
includes the right to remodel the government at pleasure ? That the 
right of the individual is the right of the mass of individuals ? That 



REVIEW OF WAVLAND. 105 

as the first question, (that of the right of suffrage) is decided, so the 
second question — if it be another — (the question of the right of organ, 
izing a government) must be decided likewise? 

The learned teacher who " has nothing to do" with the first question, 
ought, in decency, to seal his lips, on the second, or he ought not to 
expect his decisions, on the latter question, should be accounted trust- 
worthy, till he has satisfied himself in respect to the former. 

To evade this, it will be necessary to assume that the matter of suf- 
frage is altogether a question of expediency, and not of right. And 
it will follow that the matter of popular sovereignty is a question of 
expediency, and not of right. Then comes the conclusion that the 
question whether the majority of the people of Rhode Island should 
assert and exercise sovereign powsr, was a question of expediency, 
and not of right ! And how, on this principle, will President Way- 
land, or any body else, fasten the guilt of moral wrong upon them^ 
for doing as they have done? And where is the moral warrant for 
charging on them crime, misdemeanor, or high treason ? 

NEtTTKALITY, NOT NEUTRAL. 

But the truth is — President Wayland does decide, strongly, against 
the right of free suff'rage, as a right, after all, whatever expressions of 
doubt he may sometimes make, and notwithstanding he sometimes ad- 
mits that it would have been better for the oligarchy to have granted 
it, graciously, long ago, and so saved themselves all the anxiety and 
trouble of the contest. 

The rigJit of suff'rage is denied by President Wayland when he 
" blushes" to think that those who have pertinaciously refused it, for 
half a century, and who, ** until within a very short time," regarded 
the whole movement in its favor " a farce" and " took no notice" of 
it, have, for that cause, been represented as "despots.'' He does so, 
when he affirms that under the Charter " government, every man has 
been most perfectly protected," and " enjoyed the most perfect liber- 
ty," — (p. 9.) and when he says " No instance has ever been adduced* 
so far as I have been informed, of any oppression or injustice which 
has occurred under it." [the Charter.] (p. 12.) 

If the people had a right to the suffVage, then, in being deprive<J^f 
it, they were deprived of their rights, and instead of being " protect, 
ed" in them, were oppressed, and despoiled of them. The act was 
" injustice," and the actors were " despots'' — otherwise, words have 
no meaning. 

THE preacher's IDEA OF LIBERTY, AND THE PEOPLE's RIGHTS. 

It may be worth while to linger a little, just at this point, and as- 
certain, if we can, how much liberty, if any, such religious teachers 
as President Wayland think the people may claim as their inherent 
right — how much, they, themselves, as preachers of righteousness, 
will exhort the men in power to recognize and protect. 

It can not be the right of suffrage. It can not be the right of trial 
bv a jury of equals, or peers. It can not be the independent right to 
14 



106 APPENDIX. 

sue, in a court of justice, without leave and assistance of some memo 
ber of a superior and privileged caste, when he is wronged. It can 
not be the right to representation, in the legislature by whom he is 
governed, and by whom he is taxed and required to perform services 
for the State. It can not be the right of peaceful and orderly sojourn 
and residence in any town in the State " where it liketh him best," 
without leave of the landholders residing in that town, with their old- 
est sons. It can not be in the right to vote for the men by whom the 
wars are declared, in which they shall be called upon to shoulder their 
muskets. It can not be the right to " choose judges and officers, in all 
their gates, to rule the people with just judgment." For the majority 
of the people of Rhode Island are, and have been deprived of all these 
rights, and President Wayland " blushes" to think that those who with- 
hold them, have been accounted despots. 

But why dwell on items like these ? We have before us President 
"Wayland's " grateful acknowledgments to those of our fellow citizens 
who periled their lives in support of liberty and law" — (p. 10.) that 
is, the " liberty and law" that consists in the forcible extinguishment 
of these rights ! — " Rhode Island" he thinks "will long have occasion 
to remember them with gratitude." (p. 11.) And we have before us, 
his second sermon of Thanksgiving, for the suppression of " Consti- 
tutional law" " by a lawless soldiery" — the establishment of" no law 
but a suppression of all law !" " Rhode Island,''^ in the preacher's 
vocabulary must mean something besides the majority of the people. 

" The representation had become palpably unequal" says the teacher, 
— but then, " every man has been most perfectly protected." — "No 
instance of any oppression or injustice has occurred !" Those in 
power, who will not correct these inequalities are not despots ! What 
sort of dictionaries and ethical writings are in use at Brown Univer- 
sity, we are at loss to conjecture. When Webster would define une. 
qual, he has to say, it is " partial, unjust, not furnishing equivalents to 
the different parties." He connects the word with " inequitable, ini- 
quitous !" And when God, in the Bible, would deny the injustice and 
despotism of his government, he declares that his ways are not une- 
qual. The Charter Government of Rhode Island, it seems, must be 
defended from the charge of despotism, by a different process. 

The zeal of our author, however, in his defense, is untiring — Ms 
ingenuity unequaled. Witness the following : (p. 12.) 

" It is' however, proper to remark, that under it [the Charter] this 
State has enjoyed unexampled prosperity," [And doubtless the people 
were made for the State— the landocracy .'] " The people of Rhode 
Island," he continues, " whether voters or not, felt an honest pride in 
possessing the oldest form of social organization existing in any part 
of this new world, from Labrador to Cape Horn. No instance has 
ever been adduced, so far as I have been informed, of any oppression 
or injustice which has occurred under it. A form of social organiza- 
tion which has maintained this character for one hundred and eighty 
years, in the midst of a people proverbially jealous of their rights, 



REVIEW OF WAYLAND, 107 

could not, surely, contain any element essentially unfavorable to lib- 
erty." In a note to this paragraph, President Wayland introduces 
the testimony of Mr. Bancroft, who says, in his history of the Uni. 
ted States—" The Charter government, constituting, as it then seemed, 
a true democracy, and establishing a political system, which few, be- 
sides the Rhode Islanders themselves, believed to be practicable, is still 
in existence," &c., &c. " The government which was hardly thought 
to contain checks enough on the power of the people to endure among 
shepherds and farmers, protects a dense population, and a widely ex- 
tended commerce. No where in the world, have life, liberty, and pro- 
perty been safer than in R. Island.* Bancroft, Vol. ii. p. 64." 

Who can resist eloquence like this ? Or who will doubt, hencefor- 
ward, the ample liberty and protection of the Rhode Islanders under 
their Charter 7 And, notwithstanding their fifty years' struggle, who 
will question that the entire mass, " whether voters or not" — " the 
reckless Dorr party" and all, " felt a natural pride," (as doubtless do 
the laborers in the Soutli " whether voteis or not") in the antiquity of 
their fetters ? The preacher must commiserate their chagrin on re- 
flecting, as perhaps they may, on the superior antiquity of the " forms 
of social organization which have been maintained" in Hindostan, in 
Burmah, on the Guinea Coast, and in China ! And had not the 
South Americans thrown off the Spanish yoke, the people there, might 
have outboasted President Wayland's Rhode Islanders. What a touch- 
ing appeal our orator would be able to make, if requisite, to the serfs 
and peasantry (*' whether voters or not !") of Prussia, of Austria, and 
of Poland ! How opportune that the naughty Constitutionalists of 
Rhode Island should have had the benefit of his pious hints on their 
blindness in not preferring the antiquity of a government to its rectU^ 
tude and freedom 7 Can they doubt (the Charterists, plainly, do not) 
that the greatest defect of the Charter government is its want of" checks 
enough upon the power of the people ?" Will they not believe that they 
have a " pure democracy" v^hen " Mr. Bancroft, the historian of the 
United States, very explicitly" tells them so? Or rather, when he 
tells them (what President "^Wayland seems to consider the same 
thing) that their fathers, 180 years ago, had, " as it then seemed, a 
pure democracy V" And will not every body believe, on the testimo- 
ny of Mr. Bancroft, or President Wayland, or some body else, that 
the government of S. Carolina is, or once » seemed" (no matter 
which) "a pure democracy," and therefore the entire population;, 
"whether voters or not" are perfectly "safe, in life, liberty, and pro- 
perty," and are contented with their condition, and « proud" of their 
ancient government ? 

It is easy to see how much, and what sort of liberty the people of 
the United States will have, when the public sentiment shall hav© 
been moulded by the teachings of such ministers of religion as Presi- 
dent Wayland. 

■ * The italicisings are taken from Pres, Wayland's pamphlet, and they show 
that he endorses the statements. 



i08 APPENDIX. 

TIME HALLOWED INIQUITY. 

Since the argument drawn from the antiquity of the Charter gov- 
ernment, with its ^^palpably unequal" provisions, has been seriously 
brought forward, it should not fail to receive, from an intelligent, (if 
not from a' proverbially jealous) community, the serious reprehension 
it merits. Shall men in power be thus taught that a successful per- 
petuation of their wrongs shall, in time, become their guaranty and 
their sanction ? While God has said that he will " visit the iniqui- 
ties of the fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth gener- 
ation of them that hate him," (and show their hatred by oppressing 
his poor,) — that he will make the later generations responsible for the 
public wrongs of their predecessors which they had witnessed only to 
imitate and repeat — (as He brought upon the generation in Christ's 
time all the righteous blood shed from the days of Abel,) — shall the 
ministers of religion, whose business it is to teach this fearful truth, 
reverse it? Shall they plead the venerable antiquity of confessedly 
"unequal" arrangements, as a palliation of their wickedness? Shall 
they foster a wicked " pride" in them ? Shall they virtually tell an 
injured people, that because their " proverbially jealous'' ancestors 
have submitted for an hundred and eighty yearsj they have, therefore, 
forfeited their rights ? 

Who does not see that such teachings naturally embolden oppress- 
ors, while, at the same time they insult and madden the oppressed ? 
The Charterist who listened to this sermon, could not but infer that 
the people might, with impunity, be despoiled of their rights, because 
their fathers had been, before them, and that the preacher was ready, 
on that ground, to denounce the assertion of their rights, as rebellion 
against God ! — And the suffrage men could not fail to perceive, that by 
this rule, their present acquiescence would be made an argument and 
a bar against their own, or their children's remonstrances in future ! 
And thus, both parties were incited to the deadly encounter. This 
one paragraph is sufficient to account for the second military demon- 
stration in Rhode Island. One such sermon were enough to embroil 
any State where such " palpably unequal" regulations obtain, as are 
there witnessed. 

INVINCIBLE ARGUMENTS. — DESPOTISM DISPROVED. 

But our learned author will not consider himself confuted, merely 
because it is made evident that his doctrines are inconsistent with hu- 
man liberty ! Not at all ! So he seems to tell us, pretty distinctly, 
and with an air of no little self-complacency and triumph. See his 
first Sermon, pages 39, 40. 

" I may be told this is new doctrine, and restrictive of liberty. I 
reply, it is no newer than the times of the Apostles, and it is just as 
restrictive as the Holy Spirit himself has made it." [Then comes the 
anathema, as before quoted, and which we need not repeat.] 

That his doctrine is comparatively new in this country, and at vari- 
ance with the doctrine of our revolution ajy fathers, he doea not deny. 



REVIEW OF WAYLAND. 109 

Perhaps he thought his arguments so weighty that all good Christian 
people would have to yield their assent, and relinquish their liberties, 
in order to remain Christians ! Let us examine a few of these ar- 
guments. 

In disproving the despotisms of the R. Island Charterists, the fol- 
lowing passage occurs ; and from the wide circulation it has obtained 
as an extract, in the papers, both political and religious, we conclude 
it is counted among the most eloquent and forcible appeals of the Ser- 
mon. Speaking of the city of Providence, the preacher says i 

" 1 never knew a community in which the deserving poor were so 
immediately relieved, or where a desire for the good of the whole was 
more universally diffused. Let any one come among us, and look 
around upon the monuments of our patriotism and social feeling. By 
whom was that Atheneum founded, and so endowed that, for a trifling ex- 
pense, its literary treasures are at the command of every citizen among 
us ? Who are the warmest friends of our common schools, and who 
have been the most zealous to carry intellectual and moral cultivation 
to every bosom and every fire-side? Who are the men, that in times 
of public distress, and of pecuniary pressure, have been most ready, by 
their advice, their endorsements and their loans, to relieve the em- 
barrassed, and to assist the failing ? I blush to say, it is the very 
men who have been denounced as tyrants and oppressors. And this 
has been done, must I say it ? or at least it has been counteanced and 
abetted, by men who call themselves the disciples of the Lord Jesus, 
who partake of that body which was broken, and that blood which was 
shed for our sins, and who profess to be cultivating in their hearts the 
temper of an holy heaven. [First Sermon, p. 25.] 

We shall have no occasion to discredit the fidelity of the picture 
here drawn. We might shade it a little, to be sure, if we chose, by 
placing it by the side of that other picture, (of the pulpits and churches 
in Providence,) drawn by the same pencil, which we have already 
transferred to our columns. If any discrepancy should be remarked, 
on comparing them with each other, the author should perhaps have 
the benefit of his own hint, that " the standard of moral character" in 
a "surrounding community" may not, in all cases, sink so low as in 
those churches where the members may be " mean or even dishonest 
in their dealings" — may " pursue a thousand courses which are at va- 
riance with the Christian character" — may practically declare that 
•' whenever obedience would interfere with [their] cherished vices, 
[they] will not serve God, at all" — and yet, •' sabbath after sabbath, 
too frequently hear of nothing which shall arouse them from their 
spiritual delusion." 

Admitting, however, that all the Charterists in Providence are all that 
Dr. Wayland describes them to be, in this brighter picture of his, and 
that none of the Constitutionalists can come in for a share in the cre- 
dit of these liberal and patriotic doings, what does it prove ? How 
does it meet the claims of the disfranchised ? How does it prove that 



.110 APPENDIX. 

they are not wickedly despoiled of their inalienable rights ? And 
that those who deny them their exercise, are not tyrants ? 

" The representation had become palpably, unequal," says Presi- 
dent Wayland. Is it equalized by the establishment of the Providence 
Atheneum ? The giving alms to the poor ? The endorsement of 
tradesmen's notes ? Has John Telzel started up as fresh from his 
grave as though Luther had never lived, to preach over again, in the 
name of Holy Mother Church, the old doctrine of commutations and 
indulgences 1 A crime, here, to be expiated by a virtue, there ! And 
And by a virtue, too, which is summarily comprehended in this first — 
second — last — great command of priestly artifice — " money — money 
— MONEY ?" The giving of money is doubtless a Christian duty. 
Put can it purchase the forgiveness of sins ? Or can it prove that 
they have never been committed? 

And so the disfranchised majority of the people of Rhode Island 
have not been, and are not robbed of their rights, because the citizens 
of Providence have been furnished (no ! but " for a trifling expense" 
they may be !) with the literary treasures of an Atheneum ! 

The operatives of Woonsocket and Pawtucket, of Natick and of 
Arkwright, and the younger sons of the landholders, all over the 
State, were not permitted to vote. But there was " no injustice" — 
no "oppression" — no "tyranny" — in that! For why ? The good 
people of Providence have established a public library, and the rich 
have contributed more than those who were 7iot rich! There's a les- 
son of " Moral Science," from a learned College President, worth re- 
membering ! 

The shoe-makers and hod-carriers, and cartmen and plowmen, aU 
over the State, claimed the riglit to be represented in the government 
that taxed them, and drummed them into the ranks of the military. 
And (" must I say it ?") they insisted upon this as their right, not- 
withstanding the Providence capitalisis had endorsed the notes of 
their customers, and dependents, and hangers-on, and eulogists, at the 
Bank ! Proof positive that they were " ignorant and abandoned men, 
urged on to treason !" 

Some of these men went so far as to say that those who withheld 
from them their God-given rights, were "tyrants and oppressors" — 
in other words, that those who did wrong were wrong-doers — at least, 
they " countenanced and abetted" the men who said this : — patroniz- 
ed their papers, and listened to their speeches, and yet "called them- 
selves the disciples of Christ — preparing for a holy heaven"! Tru- 
ly ! The churches must be purified from such members ! 

And even the patrons of common schools have been " denounced as 
tyrants and oppressors" ! At this rate, the Autocrat of Prussia, 
whose common schools, (though carefully managed in such a manner 
as to shut out the obnoxious dogmas of equal rights,) are the stand, 
ing admiration of our literati* — the king of Prussia, we say, will 

* Patrician patronage, and consequent supervision of common sciiools, by the 
,bye, is not always the certain evidence of a solicitude for popular liberty. The 



REVIEW OF WAYLAND, 11! 

perhaps be charged with despotism, by and by, merely because he does 
not permit freedom of speech and of the press on moral and political 
subjects ! And those who make the charge will even claim to be 
Christians ! Horrible to think of ! And then, an edition of Presi. 
dent Wayland's Sermon will need to be published in the language of 
Berlin — perhaps of Warsaw and St. Petersburg ! An edition might 
be useful in England, too, if it could convince the fleeced and plun- 
dered operatives, {^'■protected" — to absolute starvation!) that gra- 
ciously distributed ALMS is ample compensation for the v/icked vio- 
lation of their RIGHTS ? Consolatory doctrines, these, for the 
*' proverbially jealous" people of Rhode Island !* 

"The present Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold IL, is beloved by 
his subjects. He does not allow ihem political rights ; but he tries 
to prepare for them literary amusements." So writes the travel- 
ing correspondent of the New York Observer. The Grand Duke is 
a shrewd politician, and doubtless has his accomplished literary de- 
pendants, to counsel and applaud him. 

Be this as it may, no citizen of Providence, it is to be charitably 
presumed, after having been enlightened by President Wayland's 
Sermon, will ever be so wicked as to claim the inalienable rights of a 
MAN, and to lisp the suspicion that those who withhold them are des- 
pots, so long as he has occasion to negotiate " a loan" from a Char- 
terist,-j- to send a child to school, to peep into the Providence Athene- 
tim, or to be training himself " for a holy heaven'' in one of those 
churches, in which the standard of moral character, among professors 
of religion may sink below the level of the community around them," 
without hearing any thing from the pulpit, " which shall arouse [them] 
from [their] spiritual delusion." [Second Sermon, page 23.] 

Such are President Wayland's proofs that the Charter authorities of 
R. Island are not tyrants. From the nature of the argument and the 
tone of his second Sermon, (July 21st,) we infer that the proof is sup- 
posed to cover the whole ground, and to demonstrate that there was no 
despotism in " the suppression of all law," by a " lawless soldiery" in 
Rhode Island. For all was done by " order," and with the aid and 
sanction of the men whose liberality, we are told, proves they are not 

king of Prussia understands his game. The common school is as necessary to 
him as the state church is to the crown of England. And the people of Massa- 
chusetts have occasion to remember the successful attempt to introduce the fun- 
damental dogmas of despotic governments into their common schools, in the 
shape of a " Political Class Book." 

* A people "proverbially jealous of oppression," are " proverbially" made so, 
by having been "proverbially" oppressed. Witness the poor people of Ireland. 

t We should like to be told how it can be made to appear that the loan ofmo' 
neij, at a fair interest, any more than the ude of goods, at a iah profit, proves that 
a man is not a political despot 1 If the borrower is to be servant to the lender, 
as completely as Pres. Wayland's argument supposes he ought to be, the frienda 
of freedom have a fresh illustration of the beauties of tne boasted " credit sys- 
tem." Heaven bless and guide the hard-handed and independent working, men 
of Rhode Island, and preserve them from having endorsed notes at BanJtl 



112 A.PPENDIX. 

tyrants ! And it was " after rising as one man" in the enterprise, 
that they came together for " thanksgivings," and to talk of" the in- 
trepidity and skill of our commanders, the patriotism of our people," 
&c. &c. 

Marauding parties, to bs sure, (as they thought " proper,") appro- 
priated to their service, all the vehicles and teams they met or over- 
took — they seized whom they would, without legal warrant ; in the 
isame manner houses were entered, by day and by night, families 
frightened or driven into the fields or forests, property ransacked,' 
meeting houses entered on the sabbath, worship broken up, preachers 
and their flocks seized, bound, driven along the roads at the point of 
the bayonet, insulted, and imprisoned, for no crime ! But then, the 
instigators, supporters, abettors, and actors in all thio, " after rising 
as one man" to the enterprise, and still abetting and supporting the 
" martial" authorities under whose orders all this was done, must never 
be charged with despotism ! For, see ! Yonder stands the Provi- 
dence Atheneum ! Beside it is a school house ! At a little distance 
are men endorsing their neighbor's notes, at Bank. And there, in 
the back ground are ladies and gentlemen distributing alms to the 
poor! Wherever you can group a similar picture, the world ever, 
^« with slight variations" (as the almanacs say,) there, you may prove 
that the people enjoy all their rights, and that there are no despots! 
There is no despotism in England — none in Europe — nor in the 
American slave States ! 

We will consider next, the arguments by which the learned preach- 
er proves the Constitutionalists to be rebels and anarchists. 

ASPERSIONS KEPELLED. 

We pass by, of course, all his grave arguments against « the idea 
of equalization of property, as absurd as it is wicked." (Thanksgiv- 
ing Sermon, p. 17.) and also what he says, on the same page, against 
a portion of the people's appealing from Constitutional law and judi- 
cial decisions, to military force (as by the bye, the Charterists have 
in effect done*) — together with all the preacher has to say, in both 
Sermons, of a majority claiming « the right to do all it has power to 
do," (first sermon p. 17.) thus merging "all Constitutional right in 
the will of the strongest." 

When he shall have attempted to sliow that, either in theory or in 
practice, the Constitutionalists have proposed or done any thing of 
the kind, it will be in time to examine his proofs. Till then, the un. 
supported imputation will scarcely be worth our attention. 

The reader of the preceding pages, has the evidence, already, that 
there is no foundation for these charges. It was the Landholders, 

* We see it stated by Ex-Gov. Morton, of Massachusetts, who says he learns 
it from " public statements by both sides," that the suffrage men were desirous of 
suspending movements till a decision of the validity of their Constitution could 
be had, by the highest judicial authority in the coiiniry. Why then, was it not 
donel Did the Charterists refuse 1— The highest Constitutional authorities, we 
know, are against them. 



aEVIEW OF VVAVLAND, 113 

and not the SiiflVage men, that attempted to fasten arangements u[>on 
the State, by which — not the majority, to be sure — b\it the minority 
. — should claim " the right to do all it had power to do" — " merging 
all Constitutional right in the will of the strongest" and fixing no 
available bounds to their power. This is what they always havo 
done — what they are determined to maintain, by force of despotic 
law, and even by " the su|)pression of all law." But the Suffrage men, 
and thet/ only, proposed and adopted a Constitution, in which the pow. 
ers of the governing body were limited and dejined. So that the el- 
oquent declamation of President Wayland, on this topic, and his quo- 
tation from Dr. Channing, are against his own party and in favor of his 
opponents, unless he claims that a minority, in distinction from a ma- 
jority, may safely be intrusted with unlimited irresponsible power, 
while no Constitutional limitations can make it safe to trust the ma- 
jority. Why seek to conceal the true issue ? Why not come out 
boldly in favor of the doctrine — not that power of the majority must 
be limited, (which no one has questioned,) but that the majority ought 
not to govern, at all — that the people ought not to be sovereign — but 
that the power ought to reside in the select few ? That is the doctrine 
practiced. Wl?y not let it be the doctrine defended, if its friends have 
confidence in its soundness ? Why mine in the dark ? VVhy labor 
to exchange costume with an opponent, in order to raise against him. 
the cry of '• the wolf" } 

It ill becomes a partizan of those who refused to incorporate the 
customary Bill of inherent, inalienable, heaven-conferred human rights 
into their Constitution,* to raise the hue and cry of unlimited power, 
*■' the power of the strongest," against those who did the reverse, andybr 
having done it, are driv^en like the partridge upon the mountains bi/ 
"' the power of the strongest." 

THE CONSTITUTIOXALISTS CONFUTED. 

There are three principal arguments by which President Wayland 
would convict the Constitutionalists of insurrection — of anarchy — of 
rebellion. — They are these. 1. The binding power of oaths of alle- 
giance. — 2. The inviolability of the social compact.- — 3. The apostol- 
ic injunction of submission to " the powers that be." — Concerning these 
three arguments, and their application, v/e would make three general 
remarks. 

First. They are precisely the same nrgamc nts that have been urg- 
ed for centuries against the friends of civil and religious freedom — the 
same with which ]\Iilton, and Cromwell, and Bunyan, and all the pu- 

* In the Bay State Democrat of Sept. 9lh, we see it stated that at the Charter- 
ist Convention, a motion v/as formally mai.le and carried, to strike oiu the ex- 
press language of the Declaration of Independence, affirming inalienable rights, 
and that it was declared by a distinguished member of that body, whom he 
names, that those words were only ^- rhetor leal flouriskes, intended to urge on our 
fathers to a war with the mother country." Whether this siatment be true or 
not, we know that the words and the sentiments are not found in the landholders' 
Constitution. 

1 5 



114 APPENDIX. 

ritans of England, had to contend — the sam6 that were urged by the 
tories, English and American, against the fathers of our American rev- 
olution — the same that were met and rebutted by the New England 
clergy of that period. 

Second, They are arguments which, if admitted in their fidl force, 
as held by the preacher himself, might be applied and wielded against 
the Charterists of Rhode Island, with much more force and pertinen- 
cy than against the Constitutionalists. 

The disfranchised majority of the people of Rhode Island, who were 
never admitted to the polls, and who are not eligible to office, have 
never taken any oath of allegiance to any civil government — certain. 
ly not to the Charter government of Rhode Island. What oath of al- 
legiance did they break, by forming a State Constitution ? By organ- 
izing and supporting a State government? 

But the Charter officers of State had taken the oath of allegiance to 
the Constitution of the United States. This bound them to " maintain 
justice" — to preserve the " public tranquility" — to secure the " bles- 
sings of liberty" — to respect the " guaranty" " to every State in the 
Union" of " a republican form of government" — to submit to that sov- 
ereignty of the people which the Constitution, founded upon, and (in 
effect and intent) comprising the Declaration of Independence, was 
intended to secure and maintain. This oath they violated, when they 
took up arms against the legally adopted Constitution of Rhode Island 
and its officers. As much so, as any other State officers would do, who 
should refuse to submit to the newly elected officers and rebel against 
them, instead of resigning them their seats. 

The stronger President Wayland makes " the social compact" — the 
more he insists on the danger and the criminality of frequent, needless, 
irregular, forcible and lawless change — the more he insists on the apos. 
tolic injunction (as he interprets it) of " submission to the powers 
that be" — so much the more emphatically does he, in effect, condemn 
the course of the Charterists of Rhode Island. 

" The powers that be" — in fact — in this country — is " the sover- 
eign people." This v/e have proved. It is too notorious for dispute. 
And it is the government, in fact, whatever be its character, that Pres- 
ident Wayland's doctrine requires him to recognize and maintain. 
And the government, in fact, of Rhode Island, was the Constitutional 
government under Gov. Dorr. Be it so, that the Charterists thought 
the change that had been made, was needless and unwise. It had, 
nevertheless, been made — and made too, in accordance with the usages 
and precedents of the country. Or however made, it had been made — 
and the doctrine of the sermon is, that the governments that have been 
made (no matter how, or for v/hat object, or by whom,) are to be re- 
cognized — must not be forcibly overturned. It is change that the ar- 
guments under review, deprecate. Why, then, make this change? 
And hy force, too ? If the change made by the Constitutionalists was 
unwise, because it was a change, why make another ? If the new 
Constitution contained blemishes, it contained provisions for amend- 



REVIEW OF WAVLAXD. 115 

ment. Why not wait and make them, " in a lawful manner" instead 
of overthrowing an existing government by force ? — In every view we 
can take, the doctrines of the sermon, whether false or true, condemn 
the course of those on whose behalf it was preached. 

There is no way to evade this conclusion but by saying that tho 
Constitutional government was not the existing government in fact, be- 
cause it had not the physical power. But to make this plea would be 
to "appeal from Constitutional law to military force" — which the ser- 
mon justly condemns ! It would be " to merge all Constitutional right 
in the will of the strongest" to claim for a government " the right to 
do all it has power to do." — By this rule "/Ae powers that Je'' must be 
so construed that if Gov. Dorr had gained the military mastery for one 
■week, and Gov. King for the next week, and so, back and forth, for 
years, shifting weekly, the allegiance of President VVayland would have 
to be transferred once a week, from the one to the other ! A rule suf- 
ficiently absurd, one would think, and certainly not to be commended 
for its stability and exemption from change. 

Third. Our third remark is this. Whatever of wisdom or of fol- 
ly there may be in these thi-ee arguments of President Wayland, he ev- 
idently relinquishes all three of them, himself, as any one may see by 
reading the following paragraph, on the 28th page of his first ser- 
mon. 

" But it may be asked, is a revolution never to be justified ? I an- 
swer, the proper object of all government is to secure to every individ- 
ual the full enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, or 
the pozcer to do it, in every respect, as he will, if he interfere with tho 
rights of no other human being. For this purpose government is in- 
stituted; and never, i^7Z it utterly fail to accomplish these purposes, 
can it he rightfully overturned. No other rule can be safely adopt- 
ed, «fec." 

Let it be noticed, here, that the preacher professes to give a case in 
•which, and a rule by which, a government may he lawfully overturn- 
ed : — and that too, by the people — and on their own judgment (of 
course) whether or no the government has forfeited its claims to their 
support. President Wayland's rule of judging may be adopted by 
them, or some oiher rule, which they may think a better one. But of 
the rule and of the cases coming under it President Wayland al- 
lows them to judge and to act, and this covers the whole dispute in 
Rhode Island. If the people have this right, then oaths of allegiance 
— obligations to obey civil government — and the admonitions of Paul, 
are all to be construed accordingly. And when President Wayland 
shall have shown the agreement ol' his own rule for overturning worth- 
less and wicked governments, with the oaths, obligations, and admoni- 
tions so confidently quoted by him, he will have opened a path suffi- 
ciently wide for the Constitutionalists of Rhode Island to travel in. 

On the other hand, if he persists in the doctrine that no government, 
for any cause, may be overturned, (and that was the doctrine he urged 
against his opponents,) then the overthrow of Gov. Dorr's government, 



116 APPENDIX. 

whatever may be said of its legal validity, or of its moral character, or 
the aims of its administrators, comes under the same ban. The 
American revolution, too, is condemned by the same svv'eeping rule, 
and all changes in civil government, by the people, or any portion of 
them, are pronounced criminal. 

LETTER OR SPIRIT ? 

' It is the spirit that quickeneth — the letter kiileth.' Whether we 
would expound Paul's writings, or learn the significancy of oaths of 
allegiance, we must do one of two things. We must either chain our- 
selves down to the dead letter — the phrases — words — syllables — let- 
ters, that strike the eye or the ear, and ioWow them, without regard ta 
the spiritual meaning — the thing signified by the symbol, — or else w^ 
must regard mainly the substance itself — the nature and reasons of 
the acts promised or commanded to be performed. President Way- 
land is at liberty, in this case, to take which method he pleases, and 
the issue we will cheerfully abide. 

Does he go for the spirit of the oath of allegiance ? The rational 
and Christian-like promise to obey a just government, because and 
while it is just? The admonition of Paul, as construed by the great 
masters of the common law, and expounded by pur revolutionary fa- 
thers ? by the puritans ? by Milton ? by " our ancient and famous 
lawyer Bracton," whom Milton quotes ?* If so let him prove that the 
Charter government, with its " palpably unequal representation" is a 
just government, and that the Constitution of December 1841 was un- 
just, and his argument will be sustained, but not otherwise. 

Does he choose, instead of this, to stick to the dead " letter that kiil- 
eth ?" Let him see how much life, even to his own cause, he can get 
out of it. Mark ! He is to abide by the strict letter — the words and 
the syllables of Paul's admonitions, and of the oath of allegiance. 
How must they read, to answer his purpose 1 We have a right to in- 
sist, now, upon the strict letter, (for that is the principle of his argu- 
ment,) and give him his " pound of flesh,'' according to the " bond" — 

♦ This "ancient and famous" expounder of Scripture and of law, is thus quo- 
ted by Milton in his reply to Salmasius. 

" A king is a king, so long as he rules well ; he becomes a tyrant when he op- 
presses the people committed to his charge." " The king ought to use the 

power of law and right, as God's minister and vicegerent : the power of wrong 
is the devil's, and not God's: when the king turns aside to do inpistice, he is the 
piinister of the devil. Since, therefore, the law is chiefly right reason, if we are 
bound to obey a king and a minister of God, by the very same reason and the ve- 
ry same law, we ought to resist a tyrant, and a minister of the devil." 

The same controversy is still urged, in England. A writer in the London 
Non-Conformist, Rev. B. Parsons of Siroud, furnishes a translation of a portion 
of R.omans xiii. 1, etc., commencing thus — " Let every soul be subject to su- 
preme authorities, for there is no authorityexcept from God, and those which are 
authorities have b^en determined by God." etc. — The writer remarks the wide 
difference between brute power and rightful authority. He shows that the origi- 
nal word in question is commonly translated ''authority'" elsewhere; and he 
hints that the translators of king James were misled by the servile maxims of 
their times. 



REVIEW OF WAYLAND. 1 1 7 

but without drawing a drop of " Christian blood." We insist, then, 
that if the texts of Paul, and if the oaths of alleijiance do not 
specify Samuel W. King's Proclamation, and James Fenner's coun- 
sel, and Col. Blodget's broadsword, and President Wavland's Ser- 
mon — if these are not designated, either in the Epistle, nor in the 
oath of allegiance, as the grand arbiters of " law and order" in Rhode 
Island, then, by this rule of exposition, his citation of the cath, and of 
Romans xiii. 1, is not to his purpose, and can avail him nothing. Ab- 
surd as would be such an exposition, it is only carrying out the prin- 
ciple of following the letter instead of the sinrii of legal documents, 
and ancient writings. 

THE SOCIAL COMPACT. 

But what shall be said of the mysterious obligations arising from 
the social compact, whose inviolability is made to be more sacred 
than the claims of justice, of human nature, and the law of God ? 

The notion of a " social comjjact,''' as formerly held, is an absurdi- 
ty, and to reason from it is to build on a pit of ashes. The fiction 
was this. Man was said to have been born in a state of nature, and 
not in a state of society. And it was only by remaining in that ori- 
ginal, sarvage state, that he could retain all his natural rights. It was 
at his option whether he would do so or not. But having concluded 
to establish civil society, the " social compact" was accordingly 
formed, and in entering it, a man gave up a part of his natural rights 
for the protection of the rest. Henceforth, he was not a whole man, 
but only a part of a man. His civilization was at the necessary ex- 
pense of his manhood. When, or where, or how, or by whose author- 
ity this mammoth town meeting of the human race was convened, 
who presided over it, or acted as the secretaries, nobody knew. 
But the school-men said it had been held, and that was enough. And 
they said, too, that the compact having been made, could not be 
unmade — that it was binding on those who had never heard of it. 
The theory lacked three things, and was founded upon two. It lacked 
truth, moral principle, and common sense. And it was founded on a 
forgetfulness of God, and an ignorance of man. It was a fiction con- 
venient for tyrants, because it shrouded civil government in mystery — - 
taught the political necessity of infringing natural rights — preclude(| 
the right of the people to introduce changes — kept God and equity 
out of sight, and trampled man and liberty under foot. Mr. Jefferson 
and others have successfully exposed and exploded this fallacy. 
What a pity that religious teachers, speaking in the name of Chris- 
tianity, should attempt, at this late day, its resuscitation ! 

THE TEUE THEORY. 

Power belongeth unto God. Authority is from him alone. It is 
no begotten conventionalism of his creatures. Compacts may honor, 
but can not create it. Civil government, unless it be sheer usurpa- 
tion, from first to last, and in all its forms and phases, is the result of 
the Divine will — a part of the Divine administration. It is committed 



lis ^rPENDIX. 

to. man, as man : not io a particular family, or caste. It is inherent 
in man ; it vests not in property, but in human beings, in all men. 
Man is not born out of it. any more than he is born out of his nature. 
He is a social being, and is never born out of society, with the sad op- 
tion of coming into it, or not, as he pleases. His obligations to civil 
government are founded, not on an unreal compact, but on his real 
nature, rights and duties, as a social being, under the government of 
God. It is the whole business of civil government to protect all of 
every man's natural rights, and take none of them away from him ; 
to execute justice between a man and his neighbor. Instead of being 
the jurisdiction of the individual, or of the few, over the mass, it essen- 
tially consists in the supervision of the whole body over individuals : of 
the whole over the parts of which it is composed. This feature is al- 
together essential to a just civil government, and can not be spar- 
ed from it. Hence, the sin of the Hebrews, in seeking to throw off 
their responsibilities upon a monarch. God considered it rebellion 
against him. Hence, too, all the men in a nation are held responsible 
.for national sins. The death-blow at midnight, in every family 
throughout the'land of Egypt, settled that question, long ago. Pha- 
raoh might have exacted fealty to his imaginarj'^ " social compact" — 
his artificial arrangements. His priests might preach the sacred ten- 
ure of oaths of allegiance to him. But God would hold the Egyptians 
amenable to the higher lows of their social nature, and to himself. 

The masses may govern wrong — but they must govern. God will 
punish theqni for abdication, as truly as for wrong government. He 
has appointed them no substitute, at the day of judgment and they 
may accept of none here. Representative rulers they may have — 
viceroys — but they must superintend their administration. The king- 
ship, under God, is theirs. 

" Tell me not" says Montesquieu, " that the people may sometimes 
reason incorrectly. It is sufRcient that they reason." — ' There is a 
.spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty hath given him un- 
derstanding.' 

The people may govern oppressively ; all other governors always do 
— .they MUST — for a minority government is itself usurpation, and con- 
sequently oppression. Legitimate authority may fail to govern with 
equity ; but usurped authority is iniquitous, of itself, and good can 
not grow out of it. 

What do those mean, then, who talk of the " divine right of the 
wisest and best" to govern the masses ? The " wisest and best," will 
,be wiser and better than to undertake any such thing ! They will 
know that the entire mass, of which themselves are only a part, is 
wiser than any portion of itself; as the whole is greater than a part. 
The " best" will have goodness enough to know that they have no right 
to take upon themselves, alone, the work and the responsibility which 
God has divided between them and their equal brethren. 

" But have not Wisdom and Goodness an inalienable right to gov- 
ern ?" What if it be so ? Who shall decide who they are that, in 



REVIEW OP VVAYLAND. 1 IJ? 

(he comparison with their brethren, may be characterized as *« Wis. 
dom and Goodness ?" The people should select their wisest and best 
men, for office, but the government is nevertheless, their own, and they 
may not abdicate in favor of the " wisest and best" of their species. 
Not one of them may be safely entrusted with such power. The 
" wisest and best" would not long continue such, if thus elevated. 

If it be to ?nan — to all men — to the MASSES, that God has com- 
mitted the higli charge of civil government, then they may not abdi- 
cate, to an angel. Gabriel bimself would be an usurper, and lose his 
"wisdom and goodness," if he should displace the people of Rhode Is- 
land, and undertake, unbidden of God, to wield i^/teir civil government, 
for them. My neighbor may be much wiser and better than I. But 
that superior '^ wisdom and goodness" does not authorize him to en- 
ter my family, and govern it in my stead. 

And it is not true that any select number are as capable of wielding 
absolutely and uncontrolled, the government of a country, as the entire 
j)eople, by a proper supervision of their representatives, are to govern 
themselves. A Senate of John Miltons and Thomas Carlyles could 
not govern England as well as the people of England, including their 
Miltons and Carlyles (properly organized) could govern England. 
The Calhouns and Clays of the South can not govern the laborers of the 
South, degraded as they are, as v/ell as they can govern themselves. 
And (President Wayland must pardon us) we doubt whether there is 
wisdom and goodness enough even in the Charterisls of Rhode Island, 
priesthood and all, to govern Rhode Island as equitably and as wisely 
as the entire people could govern themselves. 

The dreaded doctrine of popular sovereignty is only one branch of 
the more comprehensive yaci of man's equality with man. Of all the 
hard lessons that man has to learn, his own equality with his own 
mother's children, seems surely among the hardest. When he learns 
that, the millennium of Christianity is ushered in. Though reasoned^ 
or laughed, or perhaps, bayonetted out of the fancied superiority of 
birth, of primogeniture, and even of wealth, he will next fancy himself 
among the " best and the wisest." He will build his lofty preten- 
tions on learning, on talents, on genius, or even upon humility (!) and 
erect a governing aristocracy upon .them. You may read to him 
your long lists of literary shoe-makers, and eminent brick-layers, and 
learned blacksmiths, your chronicles of " genius" headed by Shaks- 
peare and Bunyan — you may enumerate your Franklins and Patrick 
Henrys, and so on, chapter after chapter, to no purpose. He reads in 
in them only exceptions to his rule. It never comes into his head 
that these are specimens of his race — Oh • no ! these are the rare 
^^ geniuses" and he hopes, perhaps, to be sainted, himself, on the cal- 
endar, and stared at, with a D. D. or an LL. J), attached to his name, 
if he be not too shrewd or too proud to be tickled with such feathers. 
*' The wisest and the best" must govern ! So he dreams. And so 
dream the Charterists of Rhode Island. It is 7iot the $134, worth of 
brick, mortar, or bog meadow, now ! Oh ! no ! That dream was brok- 



120 APPENDIX. 

en, the Slat of December, 1S41. It is "the wisest and best" hence, 
forth that are to govern. " The moral worth and respectability of the 
city," says the correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce 
— " the most virtuous citizens of Providence" says President Wayland 
[page 24] represented, [very worthily, of course,] by James Fenner and 
William Blodget, and Samuel VV. King — these are they — and not the 
landholders, merely, that are henceforth to put the " fag end of so- 
ciety" in order, (including the West Baptist Church in Providence 
with their Pastor) and keep the foundries from smelting out popular 
legislation. 

Pity were it that even such a true man as Thomas Carlyle could not 
comprehend the humanity of human nature, after all. Pity that one 
who could himself be taught by corn-law rhymes, could net discover 
the capacity of the rhymers for self-government ! That in the majes- 
tic voice of a wronged nation — in the mighty thundei-ings of count- 
less immortals, demanding distinctly, in the midst of usurpation and 
confusion, the true and the right — he should only have heard tlie "bel- 
lowings — -the inarticulate cries as of a dumb creature in rage and in 
pain" calling out "to the ear of wisdom" — " Guide me. Govern me! 
I am mad and miserable, and can not guide myself." [Carlyle's Char- 
tism, page 52.] Pity that he should spend his noble powers in sum- 
nioning " the wisest and best" from their gaming tables, and palaces, 
and stews, and bishoprics, and banking houses, and fox hunts, and 
birthnight balls, and military reviews, to " guide'' and " govern" the 
worthier and more reflecting portion of their brethren ! — Joseph 
Stuuge and the Editor of the " Non- Conformist," are on the better 
track. Give them the suffrage, and the people of England — of the 
world — will articulate wisdom and justice, for the " wisest and best" to 
emulate. Not the " No government and Laissez-faire^^ that the phil- 
osophic phdanthropist deplores, but the '• non Laissez-faire''^ of the 
*' New Era" he would have hammered out. — Heaven speed it, at Man- 
Chester, and at New Orleans, at Japan, and in Rhode Island ! With 
the rumbling of the Messiah's chariot wheels, it will come ! 



POSTSCRIPT. Latest from Rhode Island.— The martial law, first sus- 
pended, for 23 days, was afterwarde suspended indefinitely — or duringthe A"zm^- 
ly gooA. pleasure. But, at the last dates, the arrests and imprisonments under 
" Algerine law" were going on, briskly. The second Fieedoai " Clam-bake" oa 
Massachusetts soil, drew out about 15,000 men, women, and children, chiefly R. 
Islanders. Many a meeting took place between the exiled husbands and parents, 
and their wives and children. — The " farce" of choosing delegates to the Char- 
ter Convention, was enacted the same day — the Constitutionalists taking no part. 
Some towns mustered 13 votes — some 20, and Gloucester voted to send no dele- 
gation at all. Returns not ascertained, but rumor puts the aggregate of votes at 
about 2,000, in the whole State. When the vote of the Constitiuionalists, in 
April, " dwindled down" to over 6,400, it was claimed that the Constitution was 
thereby annulled ! Within a short lime, many prominent statesmen in other 
States, have espoused the cause of the Constitutionalists. The Charterist Con- 
vention for forming a Constitution was to sit, this present week. Whether, with 
the turning tide, they had foresight enough to do anything that a free people 
can sanction, we are yet uninformed. [Sept. 15. j 



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